Zinow Genealogy Website
The history of the Norwegian Zinow family, and their connected families of Lorentzen, Hugaas, Schøyen, Møller, Skrogstad, Høyem, Reitan, Brinchmann, Sværen, Harbo, Bernhoft, Hiorth, Linge, Tjomsaas, Cudrio, Borlaug, Husabø, Børsheim, Coucheron, Irgens etc. ...and for our beautiful long-haired dachshund; Tina
Notes
Matches 16,651 to 16,700 of 16,758
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16651 | Willow Creek Lutheran Cemetery. | Linge, George L. (I366)
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16652 | Willy Brandt ble født som sønn av ekspeditrise Martha Frahm (1894–1969) og bokholder John Möller (1887–1958) i Lübeck. Han kjente aldri faren, og vokste opp hos moren og morfaren. | Frahm, Herbert Ernst Karl "Brandt" (I15985)
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16653 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I2668)
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16654 | Willy Brandt-prisen, på tysk der Willy-Brandt-Preis, er en pris som blir delt ut av den norsk-tyske Willy brandt-stiftelsen (die Norwegisch-Deutsche Willy-Brandt-Stiftung) hvert år. Den går til personer eller institusjoner som gjennom arbeidet har bidratt på en særlig fortjenestefull måte til å utvikle forbindelsene mellom Norge og Tyskland. Prisen er oppkalt etter den tidligere tyske forbundskansleren Willy Brandt (1913–1992) som flyktet til Norge under nazistenes styre og ble norsk statsborger fra 1940. Prisen ble delt ut av ordfører Klaus Wowereit og den norske utenriksministeren Jonas Gahr Støre i nærvær av kong Harald og dronning Sonja i Berlin 16.oktober 2007. | Stoltenberg, Thorvald (I2669)
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16655 | Without doubt, the most famous of the invading Vikings was Ragnar Lodbrok. A Norwegian who was associated with the ruling classes of Denmark atthat time. A pirate almost from birth, he spent most of his life invading one country or another. He was given the name hairy breeches because of thetrousers made from animal skin by his wife. By 845 he was a well established figure who was famous for his exploits. In that year, he invaded Paris, butwas beaten back. Not to be outdone he turned his attention to England. He landed in Northumbria on the north east coast of England. Unfortunately hewas captured by King Ella of Northumbria and thrown into a snake pit of adders, the only poisonous snake that exists in England. As he was slowly beingbitten to death, he was alleged to have exclaimed ' How the little pigs would grunt if they knew the situation of the old boar '. The story continues thatwhen his four sons heard the manner of his death, Hvitserk, who was playing chess gripped the piece so hard that blood issued from his finger nails.Bjorn gripped his spear so tightly that he left an impression in it and Sigurd who was trimming his nails cut straight through to the bone. Only the fourthson, Ivor the boneless collected all the details of his fathers death and prepared their revenge. The custom known as blood red eagle was to cut the ribsof the victim out and the lungs removed by grasping them and spreading them over the body. This justice was allegedly carried out on King Ella. Thestory above as obviously been exaggerated but the consequences of Ragnar Lodbrok's death had serious consequences. Ivor The boneless was themastermind behind the attacks on the mainland in the final quarter of the ninth century. In 866 he invaded East Anglia and the following year attackedYork. He was aided by the internal struggle for power in Northumbria. With no fleet and no defences of note, the Vikings wintered in England and werereinforced by more of their kind. In 869 Edmund the last king of East Anglia was slain for not renouncing his faith. Mercia which had been the foremostpower in the country since king Offa, reeled under the attacks. They appealed to Wessex for help. Wessex responded and Aethelred and the youngAlfred marched to their assistance only to see the Mercians surrender to the invaders. Fighting almost alone, the Vikings were pushed out of Mercia.They retreated back to York. It was only a temporary peace. It was not long before they returned, regaining most of the ground that was lost by them.The only kingdom of the heptarchy left with any say in its own affairs was Wessex. Soon, it would be their turn to suffer the invaders might. | Sigurdsen, Ragnar (I4582)
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16656 | Wladyslaw 1 Herman (c. 1044 – 4 June 1102) was a Duke of Poland from 1079 until his death. He was the second son of Casimir 1 the Restorer by his wife Maria Dobroniega, daughter of Vladimir the Great, Grand Duke of Kiev. As the second son, Wladyslaw was not destined for the throne. However, due to the flight from Poland of his older brother Boleslaw 2 the Bold in 1079, he was elevated to the rank of Duke of Poland. Opinions vary on whether Wladyslaw played an active role in the plot to depose his brother or whether he was handed the authority simply because he was the most proper person, being the next in line in the absence of the king and his son Mieszko Boleslawowic. In 1080, in order to improve the relations between Poland and Bohemia, Wladyslaw married Judith, the daughter of the Duke (and first King from 1085) Vratislaus 2. After this, the foreign policy of the Duke gravitated strongly towards appeasement of the Holy Roman Empire. He accepted overlordship of the Empire, and when in 1085 while in Mainz the Holy Roman Emperor Henry 4 announced that his brother-in-law Vratislaus 2 to be King of Bohemia and Poland, Wladyslaw did not object. He also never pursued the Royal crown due to his subservient status. Soon after, he was forced by the barons of Poland to recall from exile in Hungary his nephew and rightful heir to the Polish throne, Mieszko Boleslawowic. The young prince accepted the overlordship of his uncle and gave up his hereditary claims in exchange for becoming first in line of succession. Wladyslaw was forced to accept the terms of his nephew, because his eldest and only son at that time, Zbigniew, was illegitimate because he had been born from a union not recognized by the church. Wladyslaw's relations with the Emperor were considerably improved after his second marriage with his sister Judith (also Dowager Queen of Hungary) in 1089. Wladyslaw abandoned the alliance with Hungary favored by his deposed brother, and joined the anti-Papal camp. Also, he resumed paying tribute for Silesia to Bohemia. In addition Kraków and Cieszyn were ceded to Bohemia, Lubusz Land was lost to Germany while Przemysl Land in the east was lost to Halych-Ruthenia. Wladyslaw did make attempts to regain the control of Pomerania, and through numerous expeditions was temporarily (1090–1091) able to do so. Although Wladyslaw was formally Dux and an Overlord of Poland, in reality the barons who banished his brother used this victory to strengthen their position. It's not surprising therefore, that within a short time the Duke was forced to give up the government to his Count Palatine, (Polish: wojewoda) a high born noble named Sieciech. Sieciech's administration of the realm was negatively perceived by those of the barons who were not the beneficiaries of the power shift. The birth of the future Boleslaw 3 completely changed the political situation in Poland. Mieszko Boleslawowic was already 17 at that time and was, by the previous agreement made after his return, the first in line to succeed. In 1089 Mieszko died under mysterious circumstances, probably poisoned on the orders of Sieciech and Duchess Judith-Sophia. Almost immediately, Zbigniew was sent to Germany and placed in the Quedlinburg Abbey. With the idea of forcing his first-born son to take the holy vows, Wladyslaw intended to deprive him of any chance of succession. In 1090 Sieciech, with help of Polish forces under his command, managed to gain control of Gdansk Pomerania, albeit for a short time. Major towns were garrisoned by Polish troops, the rest were burned, in order to thwart any future resistance. Several months later, however, a rebellion of native elites led to the restoration of the region’s independence from Poland. Sieciech's tyrannical rule reflected negatively on Wladyslaw, causing a massive political migration out of Poland. In 1093 Silesia rebelled, and the comes Magnus with the assistance of the Bohemian and Polish knights welcomed Zbigniew after he escaped from Germany; however, soon Sieciech captured the prince and imprisoned him. The increasing dissatisfaction in the country forced the release of Zbigniew in 1097. Immediately after this Wladyslaw (after an unsuccessfully retaliatory expedition against Silesia and forced to recognize Zbigniew as the legitimate heir) appointed his sons as commanders of the army which was formed in order to recapture Gdansk Pomerania. Simultaneously a great migration of Jews from Western Europe to Poland began circa 1096, around the time of the First Crusade. Wladyslaw, a tolerant ruler, attracted the Jews into his domains, and permitted to settle throughout the entire country without restriction. Soon Zbigniew and Boleslaw decided to join forces and demanded that the reigns of the government should be handed over to them. Wladyslaw agreed to divide the realm between the brothers, each to be granted his own province while he himself kept control of Mazovia and its capital at Plock. Wladyslaw also retained control of the most important cities i.e. Wroclaw, Kraków and Sandomierz. Zbigniew’s province encompassed Greater Poland including Gniezno, Kuyavia, Leczyca and Sieradz. Boleslaw’s territory included Lesser Poland, Silesia and Lubusz Land. However, Sieciech, alarmed by the evident diminution of his power, began to intrigue against the brothers. Wladyslaw decided to support him against his own sons. Defeated, in 1101 and after the mediation of the Archbishop of Gniezno Martin, the Duke was forced to confiscate Sieciech's properties and exiled him. Wladyslaw died on 4 June 1102, without resolving the issue of succession, leaving his sons to struggle for supremacy. His body was interned in the Plock Cathedral. Wladyslaw founded several churches in Poland. Most notably he was the founder of the Romanesque Wawel Cathedral of which the Silver Bells Tower still remains standing. He was also very fond of Saint Giles (Polish: Idzi) to whom he founded no less than 3 churches: in Kraków, Inowlodz and Giebultow. This is attributed to the fact that while his first wife was finally pregnant after six years of childless marriage, the Duke sent rich gifts to the Benedictine monastery of Saint Gilles in southern France, begging for a healthy child. When a boy was born, Wladyslaw began building churches in his honor. According to legend, he also founded a church - on the sand - dedicated to the Virgin Mary, which was later granted to the Carmelites. Before Wladyslaw took the title of Duke of Poland, probably during the 1070s, he had a relationship with a certain Przeclawa, whose exact origins are unknown, although some sources stated that she belonged to the Prawdzic clan. Her status is also a matter of dispute among the historians: some believed that she only was W?adyslaw's mistress and others asserted that she was his wife, but this union was performed under pagan rituals and in consequence not recognized by the Church as a valid marriage. By 1080, one year after Wladyslaw ascended to the Polish throne, Przeclawa either died or was sent away; it's believed by some sources that after she was dismissed by the Duke, Przeclawa took the veil under the name of Christina (Polish: Krystyna) and died around 1092. This union produced a son: 1. Zbigniew (b. c. 1070/73 – d. c. 1112/14), who was considered illegitimate. In 1080 Wladyslaw married firstly with Judith (b. c. 1056 – d. 25 December 1086), daughter of Duke (and since 1085 King) Vratislaus 2 of Bohemia. They had one son: 2. Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth (b. 20 August 1086 – d. 28 October 1138). In 1089 Wladyslaw married secondly with Judith (b. 9 April 1054 – d. 14 March c. 1105), daughter of Henry 3, Holy Roman Emperor and widow of King Solomon of Hungary. They had 4 daughters: 3. Sophia (b. c. 1089 – d. bef. 12 May 1112), married bef. 1108 to Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich, Prince of Volhynia, son of Sviatopolk 2 of Kiev. 4. Agnes (b. c. 1090 – d. 29 December 1127), Abbess of Quedlinburg (1110) and Gandersheim (1111). 5. Adelaide (b. c. 1091 – d. 25/26 March 1127), married bef. 1118 to Dietrich 3, Count of Vohburg and Margrave of the Northern March. 6. NN (b. c. 1092 – d. bef. 1111), married c. 1111 with a Polish lord. | av Polen, Vladislav (Wladyslaw) "Vladislav 1" (I3683)
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16657 | Wladyslaw 1 Herman died on 4 June 1102. The country was divided into 2 provinces, each administered by one of the late prince’s sons. The extent of each province closely resembled the provinces that the princes were granted by their father 3 years earlier, the only difference being that Zbigniew also controlled Mazovia with its capital at Plock, effectively ruling the northern part of the kingdom, while his younger half-brother Boleslaw ruled its southern portion. In this way two virtually separate states were created. According to some historians, Zbigniew tried to play the role of princeps or overlord, because at that time Boleslaw was only 16 years old. Because he was still too inexperienced to independently direct his domains, the local nobility gathered around him took great influence in the political affairs, included his teacher, Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family. They conducted separate policies internally as well as externally. They each sought alliances, and sometimes they were enemies of one another. Such was the case with Pomerania, towards which Boleslaw aimed his ambitions. Zbigniew, whose country bordered Pomerania, wished to maintain good relations with his northern neighbor. Boleslaw, eager to expand his dominion, organized several raids into Pomerania and Prussia. In Autumn of 1102 Boleslaw organized a war party into Pomerania during which his forces sacked Bialogard. As reprisal the Pomeranians sent retaliatory war parties into Polish territory, but as Pomerania bordered Zbigniew’s territory these raids ravaged the lands of the prince who was not at fault. Therefore, in order to put pressure on Boleslaw, Zbigniew allied himself with Borivoj 2 of Bohemia, to whom he promised to pay tribute in return for his help. By aligning himself with Boleslaw’s southern neighbor Zbigniew wished to compel Boleslaw to cease his raids into Pomerania. Boleslaw, on the other hand, allied himself with Kievan Rus and Hungary. His marriage to Zbyslava, the daughter of Sviatopolk 2 Iziaslavich in 1103, was to seal the alliance between himself and the prince of Kiev. However, Boleslaw's first diplomatic move was to recognize Pope Paschal 2, which put him in strong opposition to the Holy Roman Empire. A later visit of papal legate Gwalo, Bishop of Beauvais brought the church matters into order, it also increased Boleslaw's influence. Zbigniew declined to attend the marriage of Boleslaw and Zbyslava. He saw this union and the alliance with Kiev as a serious threat. Thanks to bribery, he therefore prevailed upon his ally, Borivoj 2 of Bohemia to invade Boleslaw’s province, ostensibly to claim the Polish crown. Boleslaw retaliated with expeditions into Moravia in 1104–1105, which brought the young prince not only loot, but also effectively disintegrated the alliance of Pomeranians and Zbigniew. During the return of the army, one part commanded by Zelislaw were defeated by the Bohemians. Boleslaw, who commanded the other part of the army, couldn't defeated them. Skarbimir, thanks to bribery, could stopped Borivoj 2. With a vast amount of money, the Bohemian ruler returned to his homeland and was concluded a short-lived peace with Bohemia. Then Borivoj 2 ended his alliance with Zbigniew. In order to paralyze the alliance of Pomerania and his older brother, Boleslaw carried out multiple attacks on northern land in 1103 (the battle of Kolobrzeg, where was defeated), and in 1104–1105, ended with success. The intervention of Boleslaw in the dynastic dispute in Hungary led him in a difficul political situation. At first, he supported the pretender Álmos, and marched to Hungary to help him. However, during the siege of Abaújvár in 1104, Álmos changed his mind and made peace conversations with his brother and rival King Coloman, at that point Zbigniew's ally. Boleslaw then retired his troops from Hungary and in 1105 made a treaty with Coloman. It was decided then that Boleslaw didn't support Álmos against the alliance Coloman-Zbigniew. In addition, the Hungarian King broke his agreements with the Bohemian Kingdom. The dynastic dispute in Prague between Borivoj 2 and his cousin Svatopluk caused the intervention of Boleslaw and his ally King Coloman in support of Svatopluk, with the main objective to place him in the Bohemian throne. However, a new rebellion of Álmos forced Coloman and his army to return Hungary. Boleslaw also decided to retreat. Svatopluk tried to master the city alone, but suffered a complete defeat; his attempt to seize power in Bohemia was unsuccessful. Also in 1105, Boleslaw entered into an agreement with his half-brother, in the same way like just a few years before entered with their stepmother Judith-Sophia (who in exchange of an abundant Oprawa wdowia (dower lands), secured her neutrality in Boleslaw's political contest with Zbigniew). The treaty, signed in Tyniec, was a compromise of both brothers in foreign policy; however, no agreement about Pomerania was settled there. One year later, the treaty ended when Zbigniew refused to help his half-brother in his fight against Pomerania. While hunting, Boleslaw was unexpectedly attacked by them. In the battle, the young prince almost lost his life. Bohemia, using the involvement of Boleslaw in the Pomeranian affairs as an excuse, attacked Silesia. The prince tried to re-established the alliance with his half-brother, without success. The effect of this refusal was the rapprochement to the Bohemian Kingdom in 1106. Boleslaw managed to bribe Borivoj 2 and have him join his side in the contest against Zbigniew and shortly after formally allied himself with Coloman of Hungary. With the help of his Kievan and Hungarian allies Boleslaw attacked Zbigniew’s territory, and began a civil war for the supreme power in Poland. The allied forces of Boleslaw easily took control of most important cities including Kalisz, Gniezno, Spycimierz and Leczyca, in effect taking half of Zbigniew’s lands. Through a mediation of Baldwin, Bishop of Kraków, a peace treaty was signed at Leczyca, in which Zbigniew officially recognized Boles?aw as the Supreme Prince of all Poland. However, he was allowed to retain Masovia as a fief. In 1107 Boleslaw 3 along with his ally King Coloman of Hungary invaded Bohemia in order to aid Svatopluk in gaining the Czech throne. The intervention in the Czech succession was meant to secure Polish interests to the south. The expedition was a full success: on 14 May 1107 Svatopluk was made Duke of Bohemia in Prague. Later that year Boleslaw undertook a punitive expedition against his brother Zbigniew. The reason for this was that Zbigniew had not followed his orders and had refused to burn down one of the fortresses of Kurów near Pulawy. Another reason was that Zbigniew had not performed his duties as a vassal by failing to provide military aid to Boleslaw for a campaign against the Pomeranians. In the winter of 1107–1108 with the help of Kievan and Hungarian allies, Boleslaw began a final campaign to rid himself of Zbigniew. His forces attacked Mazovia and quickly forced Zbigniew to surrender. Following this Zbigniew was banished from the country and with his followers, took refuge in Prague, where he found support in Svatopluk. From then Boleslaw was the sole lord of the Polish lands, though in fact his over-lordship began in 1107 when Zbigniew paid him homage as his feudal lord. In 1108 the balance of power in Europe changed. Svatopluk decided to paid homage to Emperor Henry 5 and in exchange received from him the formal investiture of Bohemia. At the same time King Coloman of Hungary was under attack by the combined forces of the Holy Roman Empire and Bohemia. Svatopluk also directed an attack to Poland; in this expedition took part Zbigniew and his followers. Boleslaw avoided a direct confrontation because he was busy in his fight against Pomerania. Now, the Polish-Hungarian coalition decided to give help and shelter to Borivoj 2. Later that year, Boleslaw and Coloman made an new expedition against Bohemia. This expedition was prompted by the invasion of the German-Bohemian coalition to Hungary (siege to Pozsony Castle) and the fact that Svatopluk, who owed Boles?aw his throne, didn't honor his promise in which he returned Silesian cities seized from Poland (Racibórz, Kamieniec, Kozle among others) by his predecessors. Boleslaw then decided to restore Borivoj 2 in the Bohemian throne. This attempt was unsuccessful as a result of the attack of the Pomeranians. Boleslaw was forced to bring his army to the north, where could repelled the invasion. Thanks to this situation, Borivoj 2 failed to regain the throne. In response to Boleslaw’s aggressive foreign policy, German king and Holy Roman Emperor Henry 5 undertook a punitive expedition against Poland in 1109 (the later called Polish-German War). In this fight, Henry 5 was assisted by Czech warriors provided by Svatopluk of Bohemia. The alleged reason for the war was the exile of Zbigniew and his restoration. Boleslaw received an ultimatum from the German King: he abandoned the expedition against him only if Zbigniew was restored with half of Poland as a rule, the formal recognition of the Holy Roman Empire as overlord and the payment of 300 pieces of fine silver as a regular tribute. Boleslaw rejected. During the negotiations between Germany and Poland, the Polish ruler was in the middle of a war against Pomerania. On the west side of the Oder river, Henry 5 hurriedly gathered knights for his expedition against Poland. Before the fight ended in Pomerania, the German troops have been able to approach Glogów. The military operations mainly taken place in southwestern Poland, in Silesia, where Henry 5’s army laid siege to major strongholds of Glogów, Wroclaw and Bytom Odrzanski. At this time along with the defense of towns, Boleslaw was conducting a highly effective guerrilla war against the Holy Roman Emperor and his allies, and eventually he defeated the German Imperial forces at the legendary Battle of Hundsfeld on 24 August 1109, who received that name because the dogs devoured the many corpses left in the battlefield. In the end Henry 5 was forced to withdraw from Silesia and Poland altogether. The heroic defense of towns by villagers, where Polish children were used as human shields by the Germans, in large measure contributed to the German inability to succeed and gave the battle a national character. In 1110 Boleslaw undertook an unsuccessful military expedition against Bohemia. His intention was to install yet another pretender on the Czech throne, Sobeslav 1, who sought refuge in Poland. During the campaign won a decisive victory against the Czechs at the Battle of Trutina on 8 October 1110; however, following this battle he ordered his forces to withdraw further attack against Bohemia. The reason for this is speculated to be the unpopularity of Sobeslav 1 among Czechs as well as Boleslaw’s unwillingness to further deteriorate his relations with the Holy Roman Empire. In 1111 a truce between Poland and the Holy Roman Empire was signed which stipulated that Sobeslav 1 would be able to return to Bohemia while Zbigniew would be able to return Poland. Boleslaw probably also agreed with the return of his half-brother as a result of pressure from the many supporters of the exiled prince in 1108, who according to the reports of Gallus Anonymus was surrounded to bad advisers (in this group unfavorable to Boleslaw was probably Martin 1, Archbishop of Gniezno). Once in Poland, Zbigniew could claim the sovereignty over his previous domains at the instigation of this group. The first step towards this was his presence in the Advent ceremonial (which was forbidden to him by Boleslaw after recognizing him as his overlord in Leczyca in 1107), which is reserved only for rulers. Zbigniew arrived surrounded by attendants, being carried before him a sword. This could be perceived by Boleslaw as an act of treason and caused a definitive breach in their relationship, under which Zbigniew was the vassal and Boleslaw the ruler. Probably these factors influenced Boles?aw's decision of a terrible punishment to Zbigniew: a year later, in 1112, he was blinded on Boleslaw’s orders. The blinding of Zbigniew caused a strong negative reaction among Boles?aw's subjects. Unlike blinding in the east, blinding in medieval Poland was not accomplished by burning the eyes out with a red hot iron rod or knife, but a much more brutal technique was employed in which the condemned's eyes were pried out using special pliers. The convict was then made to open his eyes and if they did not do so, their eyelids were also removed. Contemporary sources don't provide clear information if Boleslaw was indeed excluded from the community of the Church. Is generally believed that Archbishop Martin I of Gniezno (who was a strong supporter of Zbigniew) excommunicated Boleslaw for committing this crime against his half-brother. The excommunication exempted all Boleslaw's subjects from his oath to obedience. The prince was faced with a real possibility of uprising, of the sort that deposed Boles?aw the Bold. Seeing his precarious situation Boleslaw sought the customary penance that would reconcile the high priesthood. According to Gallus Anonymus, Boleslaw first fasted for forty days and made gifts to the poors: ...He slept in ashes and sackcloth, among the streams of tears and sobs, as he renounced communion and conversation with people. It's possible that Boleslaw decided to celebrate a public penance as a result of the negative public response to the blinding of Zbigniew. His intention with this was to rebuild his weakened authority and gain the favor of Zbigniew's supporters. Punishment of blinding was used in medieval Europe to the rebellious nobles. This act of Boles?aw against his half-brother could be received by the Polish society as a breach of the principle of solidarity among the members of the ruling dynasty, accepting the foundation of public order. According to Gallus, Boleslaw also sought and received forgiveness from his half-brother. In the next part of his penance, the prince made a pilgrimage to Hungary to the Abbeys of Saint Giles in Somogyvár and King Saint Stephen I in Székesfehérvár. The pilgrimage to the Abbey of Saint Giles also had a political goal; Boleslaw strengthened his ties of friendship and alliance with the Arpad dynasty. Following his return to Poland, Boleslaw even traveled to Gniezno to pay further penance at the tomb of Saint Adalbert of Prague, were poor people and clergy received numerous costly gifts from the prince. Only after this the excommunication was finally lifted. Following his repentance the Polish prince made a vague commitment to the Church. About Zbigniew's death there are not preserved information. In the obituary of the Benedictine monastery in Lubi? dated 8 July 1113 was reported the death of a monk in Tyniec called brother Zbigniew. Historians believed that he could be Boleslaw's half-brother. The information marked that his burial place was in the Benedictine monastery of Tyniec. The separation of Pomerania during the reign of Casimir 1 the Restorer contributed to the weakening of the Polish state, and subsequent rulers during the second half of the 11th century weren't able to unite all the lands that once belonged to Mieszko 1 and Boleslaw 1 the Brave. All attempts made to reconquer this area failed. Only after defeating Zbigniew and repelling the claims of Bohemia against Silesia during the Polis-German War of 1109, Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth was able to direct the expansion to the West, which he intended to return to Poland. The issue of conquest of Pomerania had been a lifelong pursuit for Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth. His political goals were twofold; First – to strengthen the Polish border on the Notec river line, Second – to subjugate Pomerania with Polish political overlordship but without actually incorporating it into the country with the exception of Gdansk Pomerania and a southern belt north of river Notec which were to be absorbed by Poland. By 1113 the northern border has been strengthened. The fortified border cities included: Santok, Wielen, Naklo, Czarnków, Ujscie and Wyszogród. Some sources report that the border began at the mouth of river Warta and Oder in the west, ran along the river Notec all the way to the Vistula river. Before Boleslaw 3 began to expand in Gdansk Pomerania (Pomerelia), he normalized his political relations with Bohemia. This took place in 1114 at a great convention on the border of the Nysa Klodzka river. In addition to Boleslaw also assisted Bohemian princes of the Premyslid line: Vladislaus 1, Otto 2 the Black and Sobeslav 1. The pact was sealed by the marriage of Boleslaw (a widower since his wife Zbyslava's death) with Vladislaus 1 and Otto 2's sister-in-law, the German noblewoman Salomea of Berg. After being normalized his relations with Bohemia, Boleslaw directed his efforts against Prussia, and in 1115 he made a victorious expedition, ravaging their tribal lands. As a result, the north-east border was at peace, which allowed to freely prepare the invasion to Gdansk Pomerania. The conquest of this part of the Pomeranian lands (made during 1115–19), crowned a long-time struggle of previous Polish rulers. The result was the complete incorporation of the territories on the Vistula River, including the castellany of Naklo, to Poland. Northern borders were established Polish Duchy probably on the line along the rivers Gwda and Uniesta (in later times currents of these rivers were the boundary between Pomerania and the Oder Slavic). It's also possible that the border ran along the Leba. The local rulers of the conquered Gdansk and Slupsk were removed from power and replaced by Polish nobles. Boleslaw also introduced Polish clerical organization, which was made in order to protect his interests in that territory. However, these areas refused to follow the church organization. The incorporation to the Polish Church occurred only during 1125–1126 at the time of the visit of Papal Legate Gilles, Cardinal-Bishop of Tusculum. During Boles?aw's Pomeranian campaign a formidable rebellion led by Count Palatine Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family began. The rebellion was quelled by the prince in 1117 and the mutinous nobleman were blinded as punishment. The conflict between Boleslaw and the Awdaniec family is difficult to explain due to the lack of sources. The cause was probably the growing influence of the family, the ambition and jealousy of Skarbimir against Boleslaw and his increased popularity. Another probable factor was the desire to put Wladyslaw 2, Boleslaw's first-born son, as the sole ruler after his death or also Boleslaw's fears to lose his position, as it was in the conflict with Sieciech. It was also suggested that Skarbimir entered in contacts with Pomeranians and Vladimir 2 Monomakh, Grand Prince of Kievan Rus'. Medieval historiography also associated the rebellion with the Law of Succession issued by Boleslaw. The problem with the principle of inheritance appeared between 1115 and 1116 (after the birth of his second son Leszek, first-born from his second marriage). According to one hypothesis Skarbimir objected the adoption of the statute who changed the traditional Polish succession customs. In the suppression of the rebellion played a major role Piotr Wlostowic of the Labedz family, who replaced Skarbimir as Count Palatine. Defeated, Skarbimir received a minor punishment from Boleslaw. The rebellion of Skarbimir also rested importance to the conquest of Gdansk Pomerania. Probably in the rebellion of Skarbimir intervened the Rurikid ruler Vladimir 2 Monomakh and his sons. In 1118 Monomakh incorporated Volhynia to his domains and expelled his ruler, Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich, who sought refuge firstly in Hungary, then in Poland. In Yaroslav's place, Monomakh put his son Roman as a ruler of Volhynia, and after his early death in 1119, replaced him with another son, Andrew, who in 1120 invaded Polish territory with the support of the Kipchaks tribe. A year later, Boleslaw with the exiled Yaroslav (who was his brother-in-law), organized a retaliatory expedition to Czermno. After this, for several years Boleslaw intervened in the dynastic disputes of the House of Rurik. During the 1120s the Kievan princes continue their expeditions against Poland. The neutrality of the neighboring Principality of Peremyshl was attributed to Count Palatine Piotr Wlostowic, who in 1122 captured Prince Volodar. A year later Boleslaw intervened again in Volhynia, where he wanted to restore Yaroslav. The expedition (aided by the Bohemian, Hungarian, Peremyshl and Terebovl forces) failed due to the death of Yaroslav and the stubborn resistance of the besieged Volodymyr-Volynskyi, aided by Skarbimir's supporters. This failed military expedition led to disturbances in the Polish-Hungarian-Halych alliance. | av Polen, Boleslav (Boleslaw) "Boleslav 3" (I3681)
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16658 | Wollert Krohn-Hansen var en norsk biskop. Han er særlig kjent som biskop fra okkupasjonstiden, og som pådriver for oppdelingen av Hålogaland bispedømme. Krohn-Hansen ble cand.theol. ved Det teologiske fakultet, Universitetet i Oslo i 1914. Han gjorde tjeneste som sokneprest i Værøy og Røst fra 1915, Ofoten fra 1922 og Narvik fra 1929. I 1936 ble han domprost i Tromsø. I 1940, 14 dager før invasjonen av Norge, ble han biskop i Hålogaland. Sammen med de andre av Den norske kirkes biskoper nedla han sitt statlige embete i 1942 i protest mot Quisling-regimet. Han fortsatte imidlertid den rent kirkelige tjenesten til han i 1943 ble internert på Helgøya i Mjøsa. Under tiden på Helgøya forrettet han en ordinasjonsgudstjeneste i Helgøya kirke der han presteviet 18 teologiske kandidater som også var internert. Etter krigen reiste han svært mye innenfor bispedømmet i forbindelse med gjenreisningsarbeidet. Krohn-Hansen var en pådriver for at Hålogaland bispedømme skulle deles inn i to mindre bispedømmer. Hans arbeide for dette førte fram, og i 1952 ble bispedømmet delt i Nord-Hålogaland (tilsvarende Finnmark og Troms fylker) og Sør-Hålogaland bispedømme (tilsvarende Nordland). Han valgte selv å flytte fra Tromsø til Bodø og fortsette som biskop i Sør-Hålogaland, mens Alf Wiig ble den første biskop i Nord-Hålogaland. Krohn-Hansen vigslet den nye Domkirken i Bodø i 1956. I 1959 gikk han av for aldersgrensen. Etter at han ble pensjonist fortsatte han som prestevikar, og var også i en interimperiode rektor ved det Praktisk-Teologiske Seminar ved Universitetet i Oslo. Krohn-Hansen utgav Den brente jord; dagboksoptegnelser fra krigen og kirkekampen i Nord-Norge (1945). | Krohn-Hansen, Wollert (I14433)
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16659 | Woodlawn cementary. | Sivertsen Skrogstad, Thore (I2258)
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16660 | Woodlawn cementary. | Engebrektsdatter Foss, Sophie (Sophia) "Skrogstad" (I2994)
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16661 | Woodlawn Cemetery | Skrogstad, Alice Agnes "Hanson" (I3016)
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16662 | Woodlawn Cemetery | Hanson, Bernard M. (I10191)
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16663 | Worm studerte mange steder i Europa (Tyskland, Schweitz, Italia, Frankrike og Holland). Han ble professor i pedagogikk ved Københavns Universitet i 1613, og siden professor også i gresk, fysik og medisin. Han var livlege for kong Christian 4. frem til dennes død i 1648. Worm var en stor samler både av faktiske gjenstander, men også av informasjon om funn og monumenter. I 1622-1626 fikk han arrangert utsendelsen av et kongelig sirkulære, som påla alle presteskaper å innsende rapport om runestein, gravplasser eller andre historiske rester fra deres sogne. Han sendte samtidig ut tegnere til ulike deler av Danmark-Norge som skulle supplere den skriftlige informasjon. Spesielt viktig var den norske teolog Skonvig. All denne informasjon ble gitt ut av Worm i 6-binds verket Monumenta Danica i 1643, hvor han grunnlegger nordisk runeforskning. Museum Wormianum: Worm skapte også et museum, Museum Wormianum, som er avbildet i katalogen fra museet utgitt kort tid etter Worms død. Innsamlingen til dette er senest begynt i 1623. Gjenstandene ble oppbevart i Worms hjem, men han brukte dem også i undervisningen på universitetet. Som illustrasjonen fra katalogen viser var det samlet gjenstander av alle typer. Her finnes oldsaker blandet inn mellom andre typer gjenstander. Blant ulike steiner av merkelige former som Worm kaller - Tordensteiner - finner man for eksempel våre dagers steinøkser. Alle disse tordensteiner mente Worm var oppstått ved lynnedslag som i forbindelse med steindannende safter i jorden skapte slike stein. Enkelte slike steiner kunne også være metallvåpen som fordi de hadde ligget lenge i jorden var blitt til stein. Etter Worms død overtok kong Frederik 3. samlingen som ble installert i en ny bygning hvor samlingen ble åpnet i 1680 under navnet det Kongelige kunstkammer. Dette skulle være en sentral samling i København til ut på 1800-tallet, hvor det Oldnordiske Museum, det senere danske Nationalmuseum, etterhvert overtok de forhistoriske gjenstander. Litteraturhenvisninger: Klindt-Jensen, O. 1975. A History of Scandinavian Archaeology. Thames and Hudson. Svestad, A. 1995. Oldsakenes orden. Om tilkomsten av arkeologi. Universitetsforlaget. Worssae, J.J.A. 1934. En Oldgranskers Erindringer. Gyldendal. Worms norske runekalender er beskrevet i hans bok Fasti Danici (ed. 2, 1643), berører også primstaver, folkelig tidsregning og merkedagstradisjon. Worms norske runekalender er i dag tapt, da det ved gjentatte søk i danske museer, ikke har vært mulig å oppspore den. Runekalenderen er, i følge Worm, ristet på et stykke bein som antakelig er kjevebeinet på en større fisk. Andre forslag som har kommet fram gjennom tidene, etter å ha studert Worms tegning, er at beinet kan være kjevebeinet fra en nise eller en underkjeve av en middelstor tannhval, for eks. en spekkhogger, men beinet er tilskjært. Den 10.mai 1619 nevnes det at Decanus D.Oluf Worm creerede 15 Magistre fra universitetet. Hentet fra H.F.Rørdam: Magistre creerede ved Kjøbenhams Universitet fra Reformationen indtil 1660. | Worm, Ole (I1893)
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16664 | Wormsgau | Capet, Robert (I6600)
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16665 | www.erikgjerdrum.no | Source (S698)
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16666 | www.espenberg.me espenbe@gmail.com | Source (S714)
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16667 | Wyllem Coucheron hadde, før han dro til Norge, tjenestegjort i store deler av Europa, og hadde erfaring i ingeniørkunsten, sannsynligvis gjennom tjeneste hos sin far. I 1645 var han kaptein i regiment Henderson, et skotsk regiment i Nederland, og han tjenestegjorde ved Det vest-indiske kompani i 1647. Det vestindiske kompani eksisterte i perioden 1621 til 1791. De drev med kolonisering, handel, erobring, ja, en form for legalisert sjørøveri. De hadde blant annet 5 kontorer i Nederland. Det nederlandske Vestindiske kompani (nederlandsk: West-Indische Compagnie, forkortet WIC) var et handelskompani av nederlandske kjøpmenn som 3.juni 1621 fikk innvilget monopol på handel i vesten av De forente Nederlandene. Området der WIC kunne operere besto av Vest-Afrika (området mellom Krepsens vendekrets og Kapp det gode håp) og Amerika, som omfattet Stillehavet og den østlige delen av Ny-Guinea. Det tiltenkte formålet med handelsmonopolet var å fjerne konkurranse mellom de mange handelspostene som var etablert av kjøpmennene. Kompaniet bidro sterkt til den nederlandske koloniseringen av Amerika. WIC var organisert på samme måte som Det nederlandske Ostindiske kompani, som hadde handelsmonopol for Asia fra 1602, bortsett fra at WIC ikke hadde hadde tillatelse til å utføre militære operasjoner uten den nederlandske regjeringens samtykke. Kilde: Repertorium van Nederlandse kaartmakers 1500-1900: Coucheron, Willem, Tekenaar. In dienst van de WIC (1647). Coucheron, Willem. Draughtsman. In the service of the Dutch West India Company (WIC) in 1647. | Coucheron, Willem (Wÿllem) "Cuchron" (I2886)
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16668 | Xnia, thorsd. 19 s. 89. Kjære Christopher og Erika! Hermed papas brev. Fra Hanna og mig sendes vor bedste tak for den ære i viser os ved at bede os til faddere. Vi agter at reise, og kommer sandsynligvis Hanna lørdag aften, jeg søndag formiddag. Jeg må reise op igjen om natten, da jeg ei kan forsømme skolen. Men never mind. Fra Henny og Knud hilses også og takkes dig og fru Hj. for venlig indbydelse; men Knud kan ikke bede sig fri skolen og synes da, at det blir noget stridt at læse en fmd. efter nattereise, hvor meget lyst han end kunde have. Og Henny takker også, men synes ikke, hun godt kan lade den ustyrlige Alex. blive alene med pigen sålænge; vi har jo bare en pige. Efter fælens lang forhandling iaften besluttede da familien at sende Hanna og mig som repræsentanter. Vi må få høre nærmere fra dig lige før, for at være sikre på, at det blir af; hører du intet mer fra os, kommer vi, henholds. in lørdag aft. og søndag fm. Træt efter siste feiring; bryllupet velykket, ligeså Brekkes andendagsbryllup med fin supé for 25 igår aftes. Vedlagt god sang af Knud. Henny hilser hjertligst. Bed Erika at stelle istand hendes lånte barnetøi, for at jeg kan bringe det med mig hjem, NB. hvis hun har brugt det da. Surt veir idag. Glæder mig til mødet. Hils nu Erika og - Lissemor - samt alle H.s med tak for venlig indbydelse. Jeg formoder, toiletter er kjole og sort slips? Alt vel i begge leire. Eders Ludvig. | Brinchmann, Jacob Ludvig Hoffmann (I33)
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16669 | Xnia, thorsd. 19 s. 89. Kjære Christopher og Erika! Hermed papas brev. Fra Hanna og mig sendes vor bedste tak for den ære i viser os ved at bede os til faddere. Vi agter at reise, og kommer sandsynligvis Hanna lørdag aften, jeg søndag formiddag. Jeg må reise op igjen om natten, da jeg ei kan forsømme skolen. Men never mind. Fra Henny og Knud hilses også og takkes dig og fru Hj. for venlig indbydelse; men Knud kan ikke bede sig fri skolen og synes da, at det blir noget stridt at læse en fmd. efter nattereise, hvor meget lyst han end kunde have. Og Henny takker også, men synes ikke, hun godt kan lade den ustyrlige Alex. blive alene med pigen sålænge; vi har jo bare en pige. Efter fælens lang forhandling iaften besluttede da familien at sende Hanna og mig som repræsentanter. Vi må få høre nærmere fra dig lige før, for at være sikre på, at det blir af; hører du intet mer fra os, kommer vi, henholds. in lørdag aft. og søndag fm. Træt efter siste feiring; bryllupet velykket, ligeså Brekkes andendagsbryllup med fin supé for 25 igår aftes. Vedlagt god sang af Knud. Henny hilser hjertligst. Bed Erika at stelle istand hendes lånte barnetøi, for at jeg kan bringe det med mig hjem, NB. hvis hun har brugt det da. Surt veir idag. Glæder mig til mødet. Hils nu Erika og - Lissemor - samt alle H.s med tak for venlig indbydelse. Jeg formoder, toiletter er kjole og sort slips? Alt vel i begge leire. Eders Ludvig. | Brinchmann, Hanna "Brekke" (I395)
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16670 | Xnia, thorsd. 19 s. 89. Kjære Christopher og Erika! Hermed papas brev. Fra Hanna og mig sendes vor bedste tak for den ære i viser os ved at bede os til faddere. Vi agter at reise, og kommer sandsynligvis Hanna lørdag aften, jeg søndag formiddag. Jeg må reise op igjen om natten, da jeg ei kan forsømme skolen. Men never mind. Fra Henny og Knud hilses også og takkes dig og fru Hj. for venlig indbydelse; men Knud kan ikke bede sig fri skolen og synes da, at det blir noget stridt at læse en fmd. efter nattereise, hvor meget lyst han end kunde have. Og Henny takker også, men synes ikke, hun godt kan lade den ustyrlige Alex. blive alene med pigen sålænge; vi har jo bare en pige. Efter fælens lang forhandling iaften besluttede da familien at sende Hanna og mig som repræsentanter. Vi må få høre nærmere fra dig lige før, for at være sikre på, at det blir af; hører du intet mer fra os, kommer vi, henholds. in lørdag aft. og søndag fm. Træt efter siste feiring; bryllupet velykket, ligeså Brekkes andendagsbryllup med fin supé for 25 igår aftes. Vedlagt god sang af Knud. Henny hilser hjertligst. Bed Erika at stelle istand hendes lånte barnetøi, for at jeg kan bringe det med mig hjem, NB. hvis hun har brugt det da. Surt veir idag. Glæder mig til mødet. Hils nu Erika og - Lissemor - samt alle H.s med tak for venlig indbydelse. Jeg formoder, toiletter er kjole og sort slips? Alt vel i begge leire. Eders Ludvig. | Family: Christopher Bernhoft Brinchmann / Erika Wilhelmine Hiorth, "Brinchmann" (F21)
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16671 | Xnia. 8 sept. 88. Kj. C. og E.! Alt vel her. Vi er alle friske, både hos Brekkes og hos os. Lilleegut voxer og trives. Henny og jeg har begge havet et slemt anfald kolerine, men det gikk da over, uden at vi forsømte voere pligter. Vi skal jo snart (midt i okt.) flytte, og er nu begynt at tænke derpå. Har tilbragt en hyggelig aften hos Jeruls (?), samt efter invitation hos Rønnebergs, sammen med Brekkes og nogle andre. A. Hammer ved i vel blev gift den 6. Augusta Lutsberg var her en liden visit en dag. Dobbelt bryllup hos Leths omkr 18de okt. Glem ei at lede efter kniptangen. Månedslov på mandag. Reiser i den anl. ud til Lian på mandag sammen med en del kolleger for at spille kegler. Har bestilt os ny sovesofa, samt chiffonière og kaminestol. Har foreløpig inten extra arbeid. 37 ugl. Timer. Trives godt derved. Vil intet gjøre for at få mer foreløpig. I dag kom endelig fru Arntzen og Helene hjem til den lykkelige Sophus, hvis geb. Dag det også i dag er. Har så vidt hilst på onkel F. Brekkes og vi sees ofte, dog langt fra daglig. Mødte i dag B. Smith og frue; ?? skal vist opereres for svulst. Lad os snart høre, hvordan i lever. Håber alt vel. Hils alle Hiorths. Henny hilser. Har netop iaften postesenal?? visit af vore etagefæller, frkn ??. Eders hengivne I hast! L. | Brinchmann, Jacob Ludvig Hoffmann (I33)
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16672 | Yngste sønn til Berteus Johan Olsen og Berthe Øiensdatter. | Bertheussen, Anton Edvard (I20381)
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16673 | Yngvar het kong Øysteins sønn; han ble så konge over Sveavelde. Han var en stor hærmann og lå mye ute på hærskip, for Svearike var den gang svært utsatt for herjinger både av daner og av folk i austerveg. Kong Yngvar sluttet fred med danene og tok så til å herje i austerveg. En sommer hadde han en hær ute og seilte til Estland og herjet der om sommeren; der det heter Stein. Da kom esterne innenfra landet med en stor hær, og det ble slag; landhæren var så svær at svearne ikke kunne stå imot; da falt kong Yngvar, og folket hans flyktet; han ble hauglagt der like ved sjøen, det er i Adalsysla (Øsel), på fastlandet. Svearne seilte hjem etter denne useier. Fra Ynglingesagaen: 32. Yngvar heitte son hans Øystein, som daa vart konge yvi Sviavelde. Han var ein stor hermann og var tidt ute paa herskip, for di at Sviarike hadde vori mykje ute for her-flokkar, baade av danir og folk fraa Austerveg. Kong Yngvar gjorde fred med danine og tok daa til aa herja i Austerveg. Ein sumar hadde han ein her ute og fór til Eistland og herja der um sumaren ein staden som heiter Stein. Daa kom estane ned med ein stor her og heldt slag med han. Landsheren var so drjug, at sviane fekk ikkje verja seg; daa fall kong Yngvar, og heren hans flydde. Han er hauglagd der tett attmed sjøen i Adalsysla (103).Sviane fór heim etter dette tape. So segjer Tjodolv: Kunnugt var de, at konung Yngvar for Sysla-folke stupa laut. Heren fraa Estland ved havsens hjarta (104) den ljosleitte hovdingen i hel drap. Auster-have havgudens kvæde syng ved haugen aat sviakongen. Forklaringer: (103) Adalsysla (hovudsysla) var lande austanfor øyi Øsel (Eysysla); baae tilsaman, eller heile Estland, var kalla Sysla. (104) Havsens hjarta er utlagt aa tyda de same som stein, og Snorre hev teki de som namn paa ein stad i Estland, Stein. | Øysteinsen, Yngvar (I3758)
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16674 | Yngve og Alv var Alreks sønner, de fikk deretter kongedømmet i Svitjod. Yngve var en stor hærmann og alltid seiersæl, vakker, kunne mange idretter, sterk og kvass i strid, gavmild på gods og alltid glad; for alt dette ble han vidspurt og vennesæl. Kong Alv, hans bror, satt hjemme i landet og var ikke på hærtog; de kalte ham Elvse, han var fåmælt, maktsyk og uvennlig. Hans mor het Dageid, datter til kong Dag den mektige, som daglingene er ættet fra. Kong Alv hadde ei kone som het Bera, hun var vakrere enn andre kvinner, storslått og gladlynt. Så var det en høst at Yngve Alreksson kom til Uppsala fra viking igjen, og det ble gjort stor stas på ham. Han satt gjerne lenge og drakk om kvelden, kong Alv gikk oftest tidlig til sengs. Dronning Bera satt ofte oppe om kvelden, og hun og Yngve satt og fjaset med hverandre. Alv snakket mange ganger til henne om dette, og bad hun skulle gå og legge seg før, han ville ikke ligge våken og vente på henne, sa han. Hun svarte ham og sa at den kvinne kunne være glad som fikk Yngve til mann og ikke Alv; han ble svært sint, for hun sa dette flere ganger. En kveld kom Alv inn i hallen mens Yngve og Bera satt i høgsetet og talte med hverandre. Yngve hadde sverdet liggende over knærne. Folk var svært drukne og la ikke merke til at kongen kom inn. Kong Alv gikk til høgsetet, drog sverdet fram av kappa og stakk det gjennom Yngve, broren. Yngve sprang opp, drog sverdet og hogg Alv banehogg, og de falt begge 2 døde på golvet. Alv og Yngve ble hauglagt på Fyrisvollene. Fra Ynglingesagaen: 21. Yngve og Alv var sønine hans Alrek, som deretter vart kongar i Svitjod. Yngve var ein stor hermann og ovende sigersæl, væn og ein stor itrottsmann, sterk og djerv i slage, raust paa handi (71) og gladværug. Av alt dette vart han namnkjend og vensæl. Kong Alv, bror hans, sat heime og var ikkje paa herferd; han vart kalla Elfse og var tagall og raadrikin (72) og grettin. Mor hans heitte Dageid, dotter til kong Dag den megtuge, som Doglingane er ætta fraa. Kong Alv hadde ei kone, som heitte Bera, ei væn kvinne, mykje fyri seg og gladværug. Ein haust var Yngve Alreksson komin fraa vikingferd til Uppsalir og var daa oversleg namngjetin. Han sat jamt lengi uppe ved drykken um kveldane, men kong Alv gjekk tidt og lagde seg tidleg. Dronning Bera sat tidt uppe um kveldane, og ho og Yngve svalla med kvarandre. Alv rødde ofte um dette, og bad ho ganga og leggja seg tidlegare, og sagde at han vilde ikkje vaka etter henne. Ho svara og sagde, at den kona var sæl, som heller var gift med Yngve enn med Alv. De vart han fælt vond for, daa ho tidt sagde dette. Ein kveld gjekk Alv inn i halli, medan han Yngve og ho Bera sat i høgsæte og svalla. Yngve hadde eit sverd yvi knéi; alle folk var ovende drukne og gav ikkje gaum etter, at kongen kom inn. Kong Alv gjekk til høgsæte og drog eit sverd fram undan kappa og stakk igjenom Yngve, bror sin. Yngve spratt upp og drog sverde og hogg Alv banehogg, og dei fall baae tvo daude paa golve. Alv og Yngve vart hauglagde paa Fyrisvollane. So segjer Tjodolv: Daud laut han liggja, drepin av Alv, herren som vaktar paa heilagdomen (73), daa kongen ovundsjuk mot Yngve fór, og med blodut sverd til bane stakk han. Harmelegt var de, at hovdingar djerve dronningi skulde til draap eggja, daa bror gav bror banehogg, aabruige, i utrengsmaal. Forklaringer: (71) Gjevmild. (72) Myndug, som gjerne vil raada. (73) Kongane var tempel-eigarar og vart difor kalla dei som vaktar heilagdomen (vé-stall). | Alreksen, Alv (I8313)
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16675 | Yngve og Alv var Alreks sønner, de fikk deretter kongedømmet i Svitjod. Yngve var en stor hærmann og alltid seiersæl, vakker, kunne mange idretter, sterk og kvass i strid, gavmild på gods og alltid glad; for alt dette ble han vidspurt og vennesæl. Kong Alv, hans bror, satt hjemme i landet og var ikke på hærtog; de kalte ham Elvse, han var fåmælt, maktsyk og uvennlig. Hans mor het Dageid, datter til kong Dag den mektige, som daglingene er ættet fra. Kong Alv hadde ei kone som het Bera, hun var vakrere enn andre kvinner, storslått og gladlynt. Så var det en høst at Yngve Alreksson kom til Uppsala fra viking igjen, og det ble gjort stor stas på ham. Han satt gjerne lenge og drakk om kvelden, kong Alv gikk oftest tidlig til sengs. Dronning Bera satt ofte oppe om kvelden, og hun og Yngve satt og fjaset med hverandre. Alv snakket mange ganger til henne om dette, og bad hun skulle gå og legge seg før, han ville ikke ligge våken og vente på henne, sa han. Hun svarte ham og sa at den kvinne kunne være glad som fikk Yngve til mann og ikke Alv; han ble svært sint, for hun sa dette flere ganger. En kveld kom Alv inn i hallen mens Yngve og Bera satt i høgsetet og talte med hverandre. Yngve hadde sverdet liggende over knærne. Folk var svært drukne og la ikke merke til at kongen kom inn. Kong Alv gikk til høgsetet, drog sverdet fram av kappa og stakk det gjennom Yngve, broren. Yngve sprang opp, drog sverdet og hogg Alv banehogg, og de falt begge 2 døde på golvet. Alv og Yngve ble hauglagt på Fyrisvollene. Fra Ynglingesagaen: 21. Yngve og Alv var sønine hans Alrek, som deretter vart kongar i Svitjod. Yngve var ein stor hermann og ovende sigersæl, væn og ein stor itrottsmann, sterk og djerv i slage, raust paa handi (71) og gladværug. Av alt dette vart han namnkjend og vensæl. Kong Alv, bror hans, sat heime og var ikkje paa herferd; han vart kalla Elfse og var tagall og raadrikin (72) og grettin. Mor hans heitte Dageid, dotter til kong Dag den megtuge, som Doglingane er ætta fraa. Kong Alv hadde ei kone, som heitte Bera, ei væn kvinne, mykje fyri seg og gladværug. Ein haust var Yngve Alreksson komin fraa vikingferd til Uppsalir og var daa oversleg namngjetin. Han sat jamt lengi uppe ved drykken um kveldane, men kong Alv gjekk tidt og lagde seg tidleg. Dronning Bera sat tidt uppe um kveldane, og ho og Yngve svalla med kvarandre. Alv rødde ofte um dette, og bad ho ganga og leggja seg tidlegare, og sagde at han vilde ikkje vaka etter henne. Ho svara og sagde, at den kona var sæl, som heller var gift med Yngve enn med Alv. De vart han fælt vond for, daa ho tidt sagde dette. Ein kveld gjekk Alv inn i halli, medan han Yngve og ho Bera sat i høgsæte og svalla. Yngve hadde eit sverd yvi knéi; alle folk var ovende drukne og gav ikkje gaum etter, at kongen kom inn. Kong Alv gjekk til høgsæte og drog eit sverd fram undan kappa og stakk igjenom Yngve, bror sin. Yngve spratt upp og drog sverde og hogg Alv banehogg, og dei fall baae tvo daude paa golve. Alv og Yngve vart hauglagde paa Fyrisvollane. So segjer Tjodolv: Daud laut han liggja, drepin av Alv, herren som vaktar paa heilagdomen (73), daa kongen ovundsjuk mot Yngve fór, og med blodut sverd til bane stakk han. Harmelegt var de, at hovdingar djerve dronningi skulde til draap eggja, daa bror gav bror banehogg, aabruige, i utrengsmaal. Forklaringer: (71) Gjevmild. (72) Myndug, som gjerne vil raada. (73) Kongane var tempel-eigarar og vart difor kalla dei som vaktar heilagdomen (vé-stall). | Alreksen, Yngve (I4611)
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16676 | Ytre Hernes. | Moltzow, Jochum (I12968)
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16677 | Ytre Holmedal. Begravet i Dale 7.mai. | Fredriksen Arentz, Hans (I8197)
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16678 | Zakarias ble klokker og kirkesanger etter faren i 1796. | Isachsen Høyem, Zakarias (I1588)
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16679 | Zion Lutheran Cemetery. | Linge, Ruth "Hoiness" (I367)
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16680 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I48)
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16681 | Åbo, dvs arrendator med juridisk besittningsrätt inkluderande rätt att gården gick i arv. | Carlsson, Jan "Hälltorp" / "Finth" / "Dingelsundet" (I217)
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16682 | Åbonden Lars Larsson i Fanvik døde av Warsot 70 år gammel. | Larsson, Lars "Gunnerud"/"Fantviken" (I195)
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16683 | Åby. | Eliasdatter Staavi, Birthe "Aabye" (I11846)
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16684 | Åby. | Jokumsdatter Aabye, Kari (I11848)
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16685 | Åby. | Jokumsdatter Aabye, Kirsti (I11849)
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16686 | Åby. | Jokumsdatter Aabye, Kirsti (I11849)
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16687 | Åby. | Jokumsen Aabye, Elias (I11850)
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16688 | Åby. | Jokumsdatter Aabye, Kirsti (I11851)
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16689 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I1078)
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16690 | Åge Frisak skrev 4.juni: Spesiell start på bursdag med natt på Tønsberg sykehus hvor far ble operert for sprekk på aorta i magen på mandag. På sin 90 års dag. Hadde fin feiring for han på søndag. Tilstanden hans er stabil, men venter spent på om nyrefunksjonen kommer igang. Senere: Far døde i dag med sine nærmeste rundt seg. Rolig død. Fars yngste søster døde på datteren sin fødselsdag, og far på min. Hans Frisak skrev samme dag: Dagen etter bursdagsfeiringen av far med hele familien, ble han dårlig og kjørt til sykehus i Tønsberg. Han hadde en lekkasje i hovedpulsåren og ble operert på mandag. Operasjonen gikk fint, men det er stor operasjon og det skal mye til å få en gammel kropp til å virke igjen selv om han er sterk og sunn. Det er kritisk, men han er stabil i påvente at nyrene skal starte opp igjen. Han er bevisst og klar, men kan ikke snakke på grunn av respirator. Hele familien var her i går og Åge var her sammen med mor i natt og jeg er her på sykehuset nå i dag. Vi krysser fingrene, men er realister. Senere: Far døde i dag etter et langt og godt liv. Vi var sammen med ham da han døde. Veldig trist, men vi er takknemlig for alt vi hadde sammen. | Frisak, Henrik (I1077)
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16691 | Åge Frisak skrev på sin facebook-side 15.november 2018 omkring kl.18.30: Mor døde i dag etter kort sykdom med sine nærmeste rundt seg. Lungebetennelse som hun blei for tøff for henne. Hans Frisak skrev på sin facebook-side 16.november 2018: Mor døde i går 93 år gammel etter et kort sykeleie med de nærmeste hos seg. Trist, men hun har hatt et langt og godt liv og vi er takknemlige for alt hun har gjort for oss. Hun var krystallklar til det siste og som æresmedlem talte hun i Kvinneners Læseforning som feiret 120 års jubileum for tre uker siden. Vi vil savne henne. | Kristensen, Ragnhild "Frisak" (I1079)
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16692 | Åge Ramberg ble innvalgt på Stortinget fra Vestfold i 1973. Stortingsrepresentant, 1973–1977, 1977-1981, 1985-1989. Stortingskomitéer: 1973 – 1977 medlem i Sosialkomitéen. 1973 – 1977 varamedlem i Den forberedende fullmaktskomitéen. 1977 – 1981 formann i Administrasjonskomiteen. 1985 – 1989 medlem i Forsvarskomitéen. 1985 – 1989 sekretær i Kontrollkomitéen. Medlem av Europarådets parlamentarikerforsamling 1985–1989. | Ramberg, Åge (I14264)
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16693 | Åjet, Leikanger? | Nilsen Sværen, Tor "Nelson" (I1771)
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16694 | Åmot Vestre. | Larsen Østby, Knut (I12160)
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16695 | Året 1824 er siste året murermesteren Pehr Lundberg, 57 år, er nevnt. Han er da - hyresfolk - i Gamle Bys Roten. Også dette året er han nevnt boende alene. Hustruen Chrustina Olsson og deres syke datter Helena Fredrika er nevnt et annet sted i Gamle Bys Roten som - hyresfolk. | Lundberg, Pehr (Peter) (I16508)
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16696 | Året etter at Cornelia ble enke fikk hun den 30.mai 1785 plass i det Thomas Angells Stiftelse tilhørende Kloster, hvor hun oppholdt seg til sin død 29.januar 1823. Hun var i sine siste år blind. Cornelia var ved sin død 93 år. | Klingenberg, Cornelia Susanne "Dons" (I2110)
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16697 | Året etter at Halvor døde ble Visetgården delt. Anna og eldstedatteren overtok Øverhaugen, som var en tidligere husmannsplass under Viset. | Nilsen Magerøy, Halvor (I5348)
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16698 | Året etter Eriks død giftet Berit seg med Bersvend Ellingsen Hage (1748-1834). Berit døde allerede året etter dette giftemålet, og Bersvend giftet seg i 1785 med Kari Eriksdatter Presthus (1757-1837). | Family: Erik Olsen Støver / Berit Hansdatter Reiten, "Støver" (F5094)
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16699 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18174)
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16700 | Årnes. | Gulbrandsdatter Børsonstua, Anna Gunhild (I15502)
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