Notes:

Birth:
Kongssønn, levde omkring 1280. Emigrerte til Norge fra Isle of Man.

Family/Spouse: Magnhild (Maude) Godredsdatter. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

1. Hallstein Torleivsen was born in 1272 in Isle of Man, England; died in 1345 in Egge, Stod, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag, Norge.

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1249, Isle of Man, England; King of the Isles.

Notes:

Occupation:
Isle of Man, England 1249-1250, Konge av Sudrøyene.

Ekteskap: Ragnhild Olofsdotter?

I 1266 kom Sudrøyene og Man under Skottland, og siden kom kongeriket Man under England.

Det norske språket på Man døde ut på 1400-tallet.

Haraldr Guðrøðarson was a mid thirteenth-century King of the Isles. He was the son of Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson, King of the Isles, son of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles.
Haraldr Guðrøðarson and his predecessors were members of the Crovan dynasty, and ruled an island-kingdom that encompassed the Mann and portions of the Hebrides, variously known as the Kingdom of the Isles or the Kingdom of Mann and the Isles.

In the early thirteenth century, Haraldr Guðrøðarson's paternal grandfather, Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson, fought over the kingship with his younger half-brother, Óláfr Guðrøðarson. The kin-strife between the 2 was continued by their descendants, and in time included Haraldr Guðrøðarson himself. Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson was slain in 1229, whereupon Óláfr took up the kingship.
In 1231, Óláfr co-ruled a split kingdom with Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson's son aforesaid son, Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson. On the latter's death in the same year, Óláfr ruled the entire kingdom until his own death in 1237, whereupon he was succeeded by his son, Haraldr Óláfsson, who was in turn succeeded by another son of Óláfr, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson.

In 1249, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson was slain by a knight who appears to have been an accomplice of Haraldr Guðrøðarson. Immediately following the assassination,

Haraldr Guðrøðarson first appears in the mediaeval Chronicle of Mann, the main historical source for the Crovan dynasty, when it records that he took control of the island-kingdom and replaced the chieftains of the old regime with followers of his own choosing. Although he was recognised as the legitimate ruler of the kingdom by Henry 3, King of England at first, he was later summoned to Norway by Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway, for his seizure of the kingdom. Upon his removal from Mann, Haraldr Guðrøðarson is not heard from again. In his absence, Magnús Óláfsson, yet another son of Óláfr, unsuccessfully attempted to seize Mann with Hebridean and Norwegian military support. The leadership of the Manx defenders in this action may have been adherents to Haraldr Guðrøðarson's cause. Even so, Magnús returned 2 years later and succeeded to the kingship, becoming the last of the sea-kings of the Crovan dynasty.

Haraldr Guðrøðarson was a member of the Crovan dynasty, a family of sea-kings who ruled the Mann and parts of the Hebrides from the late eleventh century to the mid thirteenth century. He was the son of Guðrøðr R?gnvaldsson, King of the Isles (died 1231), who was in turn a son of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles (died 1229). Although the latter monarch may have managed to rule a somewhat independent kingdom, surrounded by formidable Norwegian, Scottish, and English monarchs, his successors fell under the shadow of Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway (died 1263), and rendered tribute to the latter in recognition of Norwegian overlordship.

Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson and his younger half-brother, Óláfr Guðrøðarson (died 1237), warred over the dynasty's island-kingdom in the early thirteenth century, until the former was slain battling Óláfr in 1229. Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson's aforesaid son, Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson, took up his father's claim to the throne, and at his height co-ruled the kingdom with Óláfr in 1231. Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson was slain in 1231, however, and Óláfr ruled the entire island-kingdom peacefully afterwards until his own death in 1237.
Óláfr was succeeded by his son, Haraldr Óláfsson, King of Mann and the Isles, who later travelled to Norway and married a daughter of Hákon, but lost his life at sea on his return voyage in 1248.

In the year of Haraldr Óláfsson's drowning, 2 prominent members of Clann Somhairle, Eóghan Mac Dubhghaill, Lord of Argyll (died c. 1268-1275), and his second cousin Dubhghall mac Ruaidhrí (died 1268), travelled to Hákon in Norway and requested the title of king in the Hebrides. Hákon subsequently bestowed the title upon Eóghan, and in 1249, upon learning of Haraldr Óláfsson's death, Hákon sent Eóghan westward to take control of the Hebrides. In May 1249, Haraldr Óláfsson's brother, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson (died 1249), formally succeeded to the kingship.

The mid thirteenth-century Chronicle of Mann records that, on 30 May 1249, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson was slain in a meadow near the Church of the Holy Trinity at Rushen, and later buried at the Church of St Mary at Rushen. The chronicle names one of Ragnvaldr's killers as a certain knight named Ívarr, and identifies the others as the latter's followers. Immediately following Ragnvaldr's death, Haraldr Guðrøðarson makes his first appearance in the chronicle, as it records that he then seized the kingship.

The chronology of events surrounding Ragnvaldr's death suggests that Haraldr Guðrøðarson and Ívarr were allies. Moreover, a letter of Henry 3, King of England (died 1272), dated April 1256, further supports the likelihood of an alliance, as the letter commands Henry's men not to receive the Haraldr Guðrøðarson and Ívarr who - wickedly slew - Ragnvaldr.
The identity of Ívarr is uncertain. His designation as a knight may indicate that he was an élite of some sort. One possibility is that he may have been a member of the Crovan dynasty, and possibly a descendant of Guðrøðr Óláfsson. Certainly, a man of the name is known to have been a son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, although nothing more is known of him, and it is unlikely that a man born before 1187 would have been active in 1249.
The chronicle makes no mention of the knight's ancestry, and this may be evidence that he was not related to the Crovan dynasty in any meaningful way. It is likely that he is identical to the - domino Yuor' de Mann - (Lord Ívarr of Mann) who is recorded in one of Haraldr Óláfsson's charters of 1246.

Following Haraldr Guðrøðarson's takeover, the chronicle records that he then drove out all of the chiefs and nobles of the old regime who had been supporters of the deceased Haraldr Óláfsson, and then replaced them with men whom the latter had previously exiled.

An example of the chronicle's bias against the descendants of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson is one of the 2 miracle narratives preserved by this source. The story in question is about a miracle attributed to St Mary, which may have been incorporated into the chronicle in order to discredit the reign of Haraldr Guðrøðarson.
Whatever the case, the story deals with an aged chieftain named Domnall, who is described as a close friend of Haraldr Óláfsson, and regarded by the latter as worthier than others. The chronicle relates how Domnall and his young son were forced to flee from Haraldr Guðrøðarson to the sanctuary of the Church of St Mary at Rushen.
The latter, however, is stated to have tricked them into leaving the church-grounds, whereupon they were immediately seized. It was in this time of need, so the story says, that Domnall's prayers to St Mary were answered, and that it was through her divine intervention that he and his son escaped from their imprisonment. The chronicle states that Domnall himself recounted the story to the chronicle's compilers.
The account itself seems to have been used as means to portray Haraldr Guðrøðarson as a distrustful oath-breaker, and thereby further discredit the line of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson; conversely, the connection between Haraldr Óláfsson and the divinely favoured Domnall may have been intended to imply legitimacy in regards to Óláfr's line. Although the identities of Domnall and his son are uncertain, there is reason to suspect that they are identical to Domhnall mac Raghnaill, the eponym of Clann Domhnaill, and his son, Aonghus Mór (died c. 1293).

Haraldr Guðrøðarson may have attempted to strengthen his hold on the kingdom by entering into negotiations with Henry; and was, for a time at least, regarded as a legitimate ruler by that English king, as a license of safe-passage granted by him, valid from 28 December 1249 to 29 September 1250, acknowledges Haraldr Guðrøðarson's kingship, and gives him free pass to travel to the English court.

Haraldr Guðrøðarson's reign was not a long one. In 1250, the chronicle records that he was summoned by letter to the Norwegian royal court because Hákon was displeased at how Haraldr Guðrøðarson had wrongfully seized the kingship which was not his by right. The chronicle notes that the Norwegian king intended that Haraldr Guðrøðarson should never return to Mann, and he was consequently kept from returning to the island-kingdom. Nothing further is heard from him.

In the same year, the chronicle records that Magnús Óláfsson (died 1265) — yet another son of Óláfr — and Eóghan arrived on Mann with a force of Norwegians.
The exact intentions of the invaders are unknown for certain. It is possible that they may have intended to install Magnús as king.
At the very least, Eóghan was likely looking for some form of compensation, as he had previously been forcefully dispossessed of his mainland Scottish lordship by Alexander 2, King of Scots (died 1249) for his refusal to renounce his allegiance to Hákon.
The chronicle states that the invaders made landfall at Ronaldsway, and entered into negotiations with the Manx people; although, when it was learned that Eóghan styled himself - King of the Isles the Manxmen took offence and broke off all dialogue. The chronicle describes how Eóghan had his men form-up on St Michael's Isle, an island that was attached to Mann by a tidal causeway, and that the Manxmen formed-up on the mainland, on the beach opposite the island.
When the tide began to recede, the chronicle states that Eóghan and those men closest to him boarded their ships, although much of his force remained stationed on the island.
As evening drew near, the chronicle records that an accomplice of Ívarr led an attack upon the island and routed Eóghan's forces there.
The next day, the chronicle states that the invading forces left the shores of Mann.

Ívarr's connection to the Manx attack on the invading forces of Eóghan and Magnús may suggest that there was still considerable opposition on Mann by adherents of Haraldr Guðrøðarson to the prospect of Magnús' kingship there.
Two years later, the Chronicle of Mann and the Chronicle of Lanercost record that Magnús returned to Mann and with the consent of the Manxmen began his reign.
There are indications that opposition to Magnús, and thus possibly support of Haraldr Guðrøðarson, continued into the mid 1250s. For example, the chronicle records that Hákon bestowed upon Magnús the title of king in 1254; and further notes that, when Magnús' opponents heard of this bequeathment, they became dismayed and their hopes of overthrowing him gradually faded away.
Furthermore, Henry's 1256 letter, which orders his men not to receive Haraldr Guðrøðarson and Ívarr, may indicate that the two were still alive and active at the time. Whatever the case, Magnús, the last reigning king of the Crovan dynasty, ruled unchallenged as King of Mann and the Isles until his death in 1265.

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1230, Hebridene, Storbritannia; King of the Isles.

Notes:

Occupation:
Delte kongemakten med sin onkel Olaf 2 Svarte, som satt på Man.

Gofraid mac Ragnaill (meaning Gofraid, son of Ragnall; Old Norse: Guðrøðr Rögnvaldsson) was a 13th-century Hebridean king, who descended from a long line of kings who ruled the Hebrides and the Isle of Man.
He is recorded within two 13th century chronicles with a byname meaning - the brown - (Gaelic: Gofraid Donn); although within a 13th-century saga, and within Hebridean tradition dating from the 17th century, he is given the byname - the black - (Old Norse: Guðrøðr Svarti; Gaelic: Gofraid Dub).
Gofraid Donn's father was Ragnall mac Gofraid, King of Man and the Isles; his mother was Ragnall's wife, who is described by a 13th-century chronicle as the sister of a daughter of a nobleman from Kintyre. Gofraid Donn's male-line ancestry can be traced back with certainty to his great-great grandfather, Gofraid Méránach, King of the Isles, King of Dublin (d. 1095). Gofraid Méránach is thought to have taken control of the Kingdom of Man and the Isles in about the year 1079, and is recorded as the King of Dublin in 1091.

In 1187, on the death of Gofraid Donn's paternal grandfather, Gofraid mac Amlaíb, King of Man and the Isles, Gofraid Donn's father, Ragnall, usurped the kingdom from the legitimate heir, his younger half-brother Amlaíb Dub. In consequence, a bitter family feud broke out, in which Gofraid Donn played a part. According to a 13th-century chronicle, when Amlaíb Dub's marriage to the sister of Ragnall's wife was nullified, Gofraid Donn was tricked by his mother into attempting to kill his uncle Amlaíb Dub. Sometime later, Amlaíb Dub had his revenge, as Gofraid Donn was captured, and one of Amlaíb Dub's followers blinded and castrated him. Amlaíb Dub later successfully took the throne, and Ragnall was soon after assassinated. Amlaíb Dub was constantly under threat of Ragnall's powerful ally Alan, Lord of Galloway. In about 1230, Amlaíb Dub was forced to flee Man, and went to Norway to plead for assistance from the king. Amlaíb Dub arrived just before the king sent a fleet into the Hebrides to pacify the western coast of Scotland. Both Amlaíb Dub, and Gofraid Donn, travelled with the fleet, and upon the commander's death, Amlaíb Dub took control and retook the Isle of Man. Amlaíb Dub and Gofraid Donn then divided the kingdom between themselves, with Gofraid Donn controlling the Hebridean portion. Not long after the Norwegian fleet left the Hebrides, Gofraid Donn was killed on the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis, in 1231.

Gofraid Donn appears in several mediaeval chronicles, a mediaeval saga, and also within Hebridean tradition dating from the 17th century. One of the sources in which Gofraid appears is the Chronicle of Mann, which dates from the 13th century, and contains additions from the 13th and 14th centuries. Parts of the chronicle are based upon a source that is also used by the Chronicle of Lanercost.
Gofraid also appears in the Chronicle of Lanercost, which dates from the 14th century, although parts of it are based on an earlier source. Both chronicles are written in Latin, and within both Gofraid is given a byname that literally means - the brown - which is thought to refer to the colour of his hair.
The kings' saga Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar (The Saga of Hákon Hákonarson) was composed by Sturla Þórðarson sometime around 1263–1284. Sturla based it on both written sources and oral traditions. The saga is preserved in several manuscripts that slightly differ from one another.
According to 20th century historian Alan Orr Anderson, the Eirspennill version is the most authoritative, and likely represents an early form of the saga. Within this saga, Gofraid is given a byname that literally means the black.
The History of the MacDonalds is a manuscript history that dates from the 17th century, and is thought to have been composed by a seanchaidh for the MacDonalds of Sleat. The manuscript is written in English, and preserves a traditional version of history believed during the period of its creation. Within this manuscript Gofraid is given an Anglicised form of a Gaelic byname that means the black.

Gofraid Donn was a great-great grandson of Gofraid Méránach, King of the Isles, King of Dublin. The ancestry of Gofraid Méránach is uncertain. The Chronicle of Mann names him as:

filius Haraldi nigri de ysland

and it is possible that - ysland - may refer to Iceland.

In one Irish annal, he is given the patronymic - mac mic Arailt - and this may mean that he was a son, or nephew, of Ímar mac Arailt, King of Dublin (d. 1054), a grandson of the celebrated Amlaíb Cuaran and one of the last verifiable members of the once imperial Uí Ímair.

Gofraid Méránach died in 1095, after ruling the Kingdom of Man and the Isles for over 15 years. A period of confusion followed his death, before his younger son, Amlaíb (d. 1153), ruled the kingdom for over 40 years. Amlaíb was treacherously assassinated by his nephews in 1153, and was succeeded by his son Gofraid (d. 1187).

In 1156, Gofraid and his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gille Brigte (d. 1164), fought an inconclusive naval battle, and the kingdom was split between the 2:
Somairle took the Islay and Mull island-groups, and Gofraid retained the outer islands, and Mann itself.

Two years later, Somairle defeated Gofraid outright, and ruled the entire kingdom until his death. With the death of Somairle, Gofraid returned from exile to reclaim Mann, and outer-island portion of the kingdom.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Gofraid mac Amlaíb died in 1187, leaving three sons: Ragnall, Amlaíb Dub, and Ímar. Although Ragnall was the eldest son, he was also illegitimate, and his father had chosen Amlaíb Dub as heir. However, upon Gofraid's death, the Manxmen appointed Ragnall as their king, because Amlaíb Dub was only a boy, and Ragnall was already by then a young man capable of governing the kingdom.
In 1188, Ragnall began his reign over the kingdom. The chronicle recounts how Ragnall gave Amlaíb Dub the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis.
The chronicle however notes that this island was thinly populated, and that the land was mostly unfit for cultivation. When Amlaíb Dub determined that he could no longer support himself and his followers with Lewis alone, he travelled to Mann and asked his half-brother for further lands. Ragnall then had Amlaíb Dub seized and sent to William 1, King of Scots, where Amlaíb Dub was kept imprisoned for almost seven years. On the seventh year the Scots king died and Amlaíb Dub was subsequently released, and he returned to his brother on Mann, and subsequently set off on a pilgrimage accompanied by a considerable number of men of rank.
Upon his return, the 2 half-brothers were reconciled, and Ragnall set up a marriage between Amlaíb Dub and - Lauon - a daughter of a nobleman from Kintyre, who was also the sister of his own wife. After this marriage, the couple lived on Lewis.

The Chronicle of Mann notes that, in 1217, the Bishop of the Isles died and was succeeded by a new one who was a relation of Amlaíb Dub.
The bishop, however, disapproved of Amlaíb Dub's marriage on the grounds that Amlaíb Dub formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon, and in consequence, a synod was assembled, and Amlaíb Dub's marriage was nullified.
Amlaíb Dub afterwords married a daughter of Ferchar, Earl of Ross, but his separation from Lauon had enraged her sister (the wife of Ragnall), and Ragnall's bitter queen sought to sow discord between the half-brothers.
The queen's son, Gofraid Donn, was then on Skye, and she secretly wrote to him under Ragnall's name, ordering Gofraid Donn to seize and kill Amlaíb Dub. Gofraid Donn dutifully gathered a force on Skye and proceeded to Lewis, where he laid waste to most of the island. Amlaíb Dub narrowly escaped with a few men, and fled to the protection of his father-in-law in Ross.

The chronicle states that the viscount of Skye, Páll Bálkason, refused to consent to the murder of Amlaíb Dub and fled the island to reside with the Amlaíb Dub in Ross. Páll and Amlaíb Dub then entered into a pact of friendship, and together they secretly returned to Skye, where they learned that Gofraid Donn was unsuspectingly staying with few with only a few men, on a certain island called the island of Saint Columba.
Historians have attempted to identify this island, and several locations have been proposed. According to W.D.H. Sellar, the most likely location is the island that was originally in the middle of Loch Chaluim Chille, located near Kilmuir.
According to local tradition, this island is associated with a man, whom Sellar thought represented Páll.

The chronicle states that Páll and Amlaíb Dub then gathered as many men as possible, and under the cover of darkness, they brought 5 ships from the closest point of the shore, about 2 furlongs from the island.
When morning came, Gofraid Donn and his few followers were shocked to find themselves surrounded by enemies. Nevertheless, he and his followers donned their armour and waited for the inevitable assault. At - about the ninth hour of the day - Amlaíb Dub and Páll attacked the island with their full force. Every one of Gofraid Donn's men who could not find protection within the enclosure of the church were summarily put to death. Gofraid Donn was seized, blinded, and castrated. The chronicle states that Amlaíb Dub was unable to prevent the mutilation, and torture, of his nephew on account of the fate of Páll's predecessor, the viscount Bálki. The chronicle dates these events to the year 1223.

According to Sellar, an extremely garbled account of Gofraid Donn and Amlaíb Dub's feuding is recorded in the History of the MacDonalds, composed in the early 17th century. This manuscript history fancifully describes the rise of the warlord Somairle mac Gille Brigte (d. 1164), who lived generations before both Gofraid Donn and Amlaíb Dub. It recounts how Somairle was successful in marrying the daughter of Olay, surnamed the Red.
Together Somairle and Olay went on an expedition through the Hebrides and killed several men, including one Godfrey Du. Godfrey was put to death by - the hermit MacPoke - who put out Godfrey's eyes because Godfrey had killed MacPoke's father.
Historically, Somairle married a daughter of Gofraid Donn's paternal grandfather, Amlaíb mac Gofraid (d. 1153).
Sellar noted that, although the byname of the manuscript's - Godfrey Du - equates to the colour black (rather than brown), the character refers to Gofraid Donn. Sellar stated that character - Olay - who assisted in the death of Godfrey Du, refers to Gofraid Donn's uncle, Amlaíb Dub (rather than Gofraid's paternal grandfather). Also, Sellar noted that - the hermit MacPoke - is identical to the historical Páll Bálkason.

The Chronicle of Mann states that the following summer, possibly in 1224, Amlaíb Dub took hostages from the Hebridean portion of the kingdom, and with 32 ships, landed on Mann and confronted Ragnall. It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the 2, with Ragnall keeping Mann itself and the title of king, and Amlaíb Dub retaining the island portions.
Historians have noted that in the 1220s, the Scots king, Alexander 2, attempted to extend his power into what is today the west coast of Scotland. He attempted to do this by encouraging the powerful Alan, Lord of Galloway, to enter into the squabbles of Ragnall and Amlaíb Dub.

The next year, possibly 1225, the Chronicle of Mann states that Ragnall and Alan attempted to take possession of Amlaíb Dub's island portion of the kingdom, but the Manx people were unwilling aid the cause, and the nothing came of the expedition.
A short time later, Ragnall's daughter was married to Alan's son. Historians have commented that such a marriage, between Ragnall's daughter and Alan's illegitimate son Thomas, gave Alan a stake in the kingship of Mann and the Isles, and that Thomas was likely to succeed to the kingship.
It has also been noted how the marriage was beneficial to Ragnall as well, since he could rely on Alan's military might to fend off the troublesome Amlaíb Dub.
However, the chronicle states that the Manx people were angered by the marriage, and they consequently appointed Amlaíb Dub as king. He took the throne in 1226, and ruled the kingdom peacefully for the next 2 years.

According to the chronicle, in 1228, while Amlaíb Dub and his chiefs were away from Mann, the island was attacked and devastated by Alan, his brother Thomas, Earl of Atholl, and Ragnall. When Alan left with most of his force, Amlaíb Dub was able to regain control of Mann. In the winter of the same year, Ragnall landed again, and burnt all the ships of Amlaíb Dub and his chiefs. Ragnall stayed at Ronaldsway for forty days, and won over the hearts of the southern inhabitants of the island. On 14 February, Amlaíb Dub and his forces arrived at Tynwald, where they attacked Ragnall and his forces. The chronicle states that Ragnall was treacherously killed by his own men, without the knowledge of Amlaíb Dub (although it also notes that Amlaíb Dub never avenged his half-brother's death).

The Chronicle of Lanercost states that, in the year 1230, a Norwegian fleet sailed down the west coast of Scotland with Óspakr Ögmundsson, who had been appointed king of the Suðreyjar by the King of Norway.
It also notes that Amlaíb Dub and Gofraid Donn were among the fleet.

The Eirspennill version of Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar gives a much more illustrative account, although it does not specifically state that Gofraid Donn travelled with the fleet from Norway.
The saga states that in the summer before the fleet left Norway, news of warring in the Suðreyjar reached the Norwegian king, Hákon Hákonarson. P.A. Munch believed that Gofraid Donn was likely one of the first to tell the king of the chaos in the Suðreyjar, and that he may have fled to Norway following the death of his father.
The saga then describes Alan as a great warrior in the region, and Amlaíb Dub is described as a most faithful vassal of the Norwegian king.
Also described are 2 Hebridean noblemen of royal blood, 2 sons of Dubgall mac Somairle, who were very unfaithful to the Norwegian king. The Eirspennill version also states that Óspakr was in another son of Dubgall. According to scholars A.L. Brown and A.A.M. Duncan, it appears that the - unfaithful - sons of Dubgall were attacking portions of Amlaíb Dub's kingdom, and it is clear that the situation in the Suðreyjar had further deteriorated from attacks by Alan and members of Clann Somairle. The scholars observed that, when Amlaíb Dub was unable to control the chaotic situation in the Suðreyjar, Hákon decided to pacify the region using Óspakr.

The Eirspennill version of the saga relates how that winter, the Norwegian king summoned an assembly at his palace, and appointed Óspakr as king of the Suðreyjar, and also bestowed upon him the royal name Hákon.
The saga states that the Norwegian king decided upon a plan to give Óspakr a military force to command in the Suðreyjar, and some scholars have suspected that Óspakr was likely sent to gain control over not only the Suðreyjar, but also over what is now Argyll and Kintyre as well.

With the coming of spring, Hákon set out for Bergen, and upon his arrival ordered the preparation of the fleet. While preparations were under way, Amlaíb Dub came to the king, and reported that there were many disputes in the Suðreyjar, and that Alan had assembled a powerful army and was causing grave dis-peace in the region. When the fleet left Norway for Orkney, Amlaíb Dub accompanied it on-board Páll Bálkason's ship. When the fleet reached Orkney, several ship-commanders sailed to Skye, where they defeated Þórketill Þórmóðsson in a sea-battle.
The fleet then united at Islay, and was strengthened by Óspakr's brothers and their followers, and swelled in size to 80 ships. The fleet then sailed south and around the Mull of Kintyre to Bute, where the force invaded the island and took the castle while suffering heavy casualties.
The fleet then sailed to Kintyre, and Óspakr fell ill and died.

The Chronicle of Mann, however, specifically states that Óspakr was struck by a stone and killed, and then buried on Iona.
The chronicle continues stating that Amlaíb Dub then took control of the fleet, and led it to the Isle of Man, and that he and Gofraid Donn divided the kingdom between themselves—with Amlaíb Dub retaining Mann, and Gofraid Donn controlling the island portions of the kingdom.

Again the Eirspennill version gives more information; it states that after the Norwegians left in the spring, and sailed north to Kintyre; here they encountered a strong force of Scots, and both sides lost many men during the ensuing battle.
Following this, the fleet sailed north to Lewis and came upon a man named Þórmóðr Þórketilson. Þórmóðr fled returning fleet, his wife was taken as a captive of war, and all his treasure was seized.
The fleet then travelled to Orkney, and from there most of it sailed back to Norway. Páll Bálkason, however, remained behind in the Suðreyjar, where he was slain several weeks later. A short time later Gofraid Donn was also slain.
The Chronicle of Mann specifically states that Gofraid Donn was slain on Lewis, and that afterwards Amlaíb Dub ruled the kingdom until his death.
The Chronicle of Lanercost notes that Amlaíb Dub ruled the entire kingdom—except those that were held by Clann Somairle.

Munch stated that, when the Norwegian fleet sailed from Kintyre into the northern Hebrides and defeated Þórmóðr Þórketilson, it was helping secure the power of Gofraid Donn in the islands. Munch believed that when Hákon appointed Óspakr to be king, he probably intended for Gofraid Donn to rule the northern island portions of the kingdom, and this was likely why he and Amlaíb Dub divided the kingdom between themselves, since Amlaíb Dub was unlikely to have done so out of his own good will. Munch also noted how soon hostilities broke out after the Norwegians left the Hebrides for Orkney—Páll Bálkason was killed, and Gofraid Donn was likewise slain days later. Munch believed that these recorded events show how fierce the feuding between the adherents of Gofraid Donn and Amlaíb Dub.
Manx historian Arthur William Moore stated that Gofraid Donn was likely slain by supporters of Amlaíb Dub during a revolt on the island.

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1229, Isle of Man, England; King of the Isles (del 1).
• Occupation: Bef 1229, Isle of Man, England; King of the Isles (del 2).

Notes:

Occupation:
Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson (died 14 February 1229) ruled as King of the Isles from 1187 to 1226. He was the eldest son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles. Although the latter may have intended for his younger son, Óláfr, to succeed to the kingship, the Islesmen chose Ragnvaldr, who was likely Óláfr's half-brother. Ragnvaldr went on to rule the Kingdom of the Isles for almost forty years before losing control to Óláfr.

Acclaimed in one near contemporary Scandinavian source as - the greatest warrior in the western lands - Ragnvaldr lent military aid to William 1, King of Scotland against the disaffected Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness, and occupied Caithness for a short period of time at about the turn of the thirteenth century. Like his predecessors, Ragnvaldr was closely associated with the rulers of northern Wales. An unnamed daughter of his was betrothed to Rhodri ab Owain, a dynast of the ruling family of Gwynedd. In 1193, Ragnvaldr lent military aid to Rhodri against his rivals. Ragnvaldr was also involved in Irish affairs, as he was the brother-in-law of John de Courcy, one of the most powerful of the incoming Englishmen. With Courcy's eventual fall from power in the first decade of the thirteenth century, Ragnvaldr aided him in an unsuccessful attack on Courcy's rivals.

On numerous occasions from 1205 to 1219, Ragnvaldr bound himself to the English Crown by rendering homage to John, King of England and his successor, Henry 3, King of England. In return for his vassalage, these English rulers promised to assist Ragnvaldr against any threats to his realm, whilst Ragnvaldr pledged to protect English interests in the Irish Sea zone. With the strengthening of Norwegian kingship in the first half of the century, the Norwegian Crown began to look towards the Isles, and in 1210 the region fell prey to a destructive military expedition. In consequence, R?gnvaldr rendered homage to Ingi Bårðarson, King of Norway. The resurgence of Norwegian authority threat may well have been the reason why R?gnvaldr submitted to Pope Honorius 3 in 1219, and promised to pay a perpetual tribute for the protection of his realm.

Óláfr's allotment in Ragnvaldr's island-kingdom appears to have been Lewis and Harris. When confronted by Óláfr for more territory, Ragnvaldr had him seized and incarcerated by the Scots. After almost seven years in captivity, Óláfr was released in 1214, and Ragnvaldr arranged for him to marry the sister of his own wife. Óláfr was able to have this marriage annulled, sometime after 1217, whereupon he married the daughter of a rising Scottish magnate. Outright warfare broke out between the half-brothers in the 1220s, and Óláfr's gains forced Ragnvaldr to turn to the powerful Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway. Ragnvaldr and Alan bound themselves through the marriage of an unnamed daughter of Ragnvaldr to Alan's illegitimate son, Thomas. The prospect of a future Gallovidian king prompted the Manxmen to depose Ragnvaldr in favour of Óláfr. Although Ragnvaldr was initially aided against Óláfr by Alan and his family, Gallovidian military support dramatically diminished over time. On 14 February 1229, the forces of Ragnvaldr and Óláfr clashed for the last time, and Ragnvaldr himself was slain. His body was conveyed to St Mary's Abbey, Furness and buried.

The main source for Ragnvaldr and his reign is the thirteenth–fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann, a historical account of the rulers of the Hebrides and Mann—the Crovan dynasty in particular—which survives in a Latin manuscript dating to the mid fourteenth century.

Ragnvaldr was a son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1187), and a member of the Crovan dynasty. In the mid twelfth century, Guðrøðr Óláfsson inherited the kingship of the Isles, a region comprising the Hebrides and Mann. He soon faced internal opposition from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164), who seized the Inner Hebridean portion of the kingdom in 1153. Three years later, Somairle seized the entire kingdom, and ruled the entirety of the Isles until his death in 1164. Although Guðrøðr Óláfsson regained the kingship, the territories lost to his brother-in-law in 1153 were retained by the latter's descendants, the Meic Somairle (or Clann Somairle).

Guðrøðr Óláfsson had one daughter and at least three sons: Affrica (died 1219-), Ívarr, Óláfr, and Ragnvaldr himself. Although nothing else is certain of Ívarr, Óláfr's mother appears to have been Findguala Nic Lochlainn, an Irishwoman whose marriage to Guðrøðr Óláfsson was formalised in 1176-1177, about the time of Óláfr's birth. When Guðrøðr Óláfsson died in 1187, the Chronicle of Mann claims that he left instructions for Óláfr to succeed to the kingship since the latter had been born in lawful wedlock. Whether this is an accurate record of events is uncertain, as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Ragnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr, who was only a child at the time, Ragnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.

Although the chronicle seems to imply that Findguala was also Ragnvaldr's mother, at no point does the source state as much. In fact, there is evidence which strongly suggests that Ragnvaldr was the son of another woman. For example, the surviving fragments of a letter sent from Óláfr to Henry 3, King of England (died 1272) in about 1228 reveal that Óláfr described Ragnvaldr as a bastard son of his father. Furthermore, the contemporary Gaelic praise-poem, Baile suthach síth Emhna, declares that he was a son of Sadb, an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been an unrecorded wife or concubine of Guðrøðr. The likelihood that Ragnvaldr and Óláfr had different mothers may well explain the intense conflict between the 2 men in the years that followed. This continuing kin-strife is one of the main themes of Ragnvaldr's long reign.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Ragnvaldr gave Óláfr possession of a certain island called Lodhus. The chronicle disparagingly describes the island as being mountainous and rocky, completely unsuitable for cultivation, and declares that its small population lived mostly by hunting and fishing.
In fact, Lewis is the northern part of the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis and Harris. Whilst the southern part — Harris — is somewhat mountainous, the aforesaid northern part – Lewis - is rather flat and boggy. The chronicle, therefore, seems to have conflated the northern and southern parts of the island.
Whatever the case, the chronicle claims that, because of the impoverishment of his lands, Óláfr was unable to support himself and his followers, and that in consequence he led a sorry life. The chronicle's otherwise perceptible prejudice against Ragnvaldr's branch of the Crovan dynasty, and its apparent bias in favour of Mann over the northern-most reaches of the realm, may also account for the such a denigrating depiction of the lands allotted to Óláfr.

In consequence of this supposed poverty, the chronicle claims that Óláfr went to Ragnvaldr, who was also living in the Hebrides, and confronted him for more land. Ragnvaldr's stated response was to have Óláfr seized and sent to William 1, King of Scotland (died 1214), who kept him imprisoned for almost seven years. It may be more probable, however, that Ragnvaldr had taken action against Óláfr because the latter had approached the Norwegian Crown, and offered himself as a more palatable vassal-king in return for Norwegian support in deposing Ragnvaldr.

Whatever the case, the chronicle states that William died during the seventh year of Óláfr's captivity, and that William had ordered the release of all his political prisoners before his passing. Since William died in December 1214, Óláfr's incarceration appears to have spanned between about 1207 and 2014 or early 1215. Upon Óláfr's release, the chronicle reveals that the half-brothers met on Mann, after which Óláfr set off on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.

At roughly this period, in 1209, the fifteenth–sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster reports that the sons of Ragnall mac Somairle (died 1191-1192 – c.1210-1227) attacked Skye and slaughtered many of the Skyemen. It is unknown if this invasion of Ragnvaldr's realm was any way related to the slaying of Ragnall's brother, Áengus mac Somairle, and the latter's three sons, in the following year. What is certain, however, is that these, and other records concerning the Meic Somairle, reveal that the Crovan dynasty was not alone in introducing instability into the Isles. In fact, the elimination of Áengus and his sons appears to have had serious repercussions on not only the Meic Somairle succession, but Ragnvaldr's kingship in the Isles.

There is earlier evidence of amicable relations between Ragnvaldr and William. The latter faced a series of revolts during his reign, with one particular problem being Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness (died 1206). At some point in the last half of the twelfth century, Haraldr Maddaðarson put aside his first wife, and married Hvarfl?ð, described by the thirteenth-centuryOrkneyinga saga as the daughter of an Earl of Moray named Máel Coluim. It may well have been through Hvarfl?ð that Haraldr Maddaðarson was drawn into conflict with the Scottish Crown. Whatever the case, a major continuing theme of Haraldr Maddaðarson's career was the constant assertion of Scottish and Norwegian royal authority into is domain, and his remarkable resistance to such interference.

In 1196, Haraldr Maddaðarson appears to have gained control of Moray. Although William was able to reassert authority in the north, and hand Caithness over to Haraldr Eiríksson (died 1197-1198), a more amiable applicant, Haraldr Maddaðarson managed to overcome the latter, and regained control of the earldom.

It may have been at this point where Ragnvaldr entered the fray. According to Orkneyinga saga, once William learned that Haraldr Maddaðarson had taken control of Caithness, Ragnvaldr was tasked to intervene on behalf of the Scottish Crown. Having received the king's message, the saga records that Ragnvaldr gathered an armed host from the Isles, Kintyre, and Ireland, and went forth into Caithness, where he subdued the region. With the coming of winter, the saga records that Ragnvaldr returned to the Isles after having left three stewards in Caithness. When Haraldr Maddaðarson later had one of these stewards murdered, the saga states that William forced him into submission. The fact that Haraldr Maddaðarson only reasserted his authority action after Ragnvaldr's return to the Isles, coupled with the punishing fine that the former former imposed upon the Caithnessmen once regaining control, suggests that Ragnvaldr had enjoyed support in the region.

Ragnvaldr's involvement in Caithness is also noted by the contemporary English chronicler Roger de Hoveden (died 1201-1202). According to Roger's Chronica, after two rounds of negotiations between Haraldr Maddaðarson and William failed, Ragnvaldr intervened and bought Caithness from William. The precise date of Ragnvaldr's venture is uncertain, although it appears to have occurred in about 1200.
Just prior to Ragnvaldr's involvement, Roger records that Haraldr Maddaðarson ventured into the Isles where he reinforced himself with an armed fleet, before returning to Orkney and Caithnes, and defeating Haraldr Eiríksson at Wick. If this part of Roger's account refers to military aid being received from Ragnvaldr's realm, the fact that Ragnvaldr and Haraldr Maddaðarson later became opponents would appear to reveal the fragility of certain of alliances.
On the other hand, if Roger's account refers to the domain of the Meic Somairle, it could be evidence that Haraldr Maddaðarson was able to garner support from Ragnvaldr's rivals.

Although not descended from previous Orcadian earls, Ragnvaldr could perhaps be considered related to these Norwegian magnates by right of his paternal grandfather's marriage to Ingibj?rg, daughter of Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney (died 1137). If this was indeed the case, William's act of using Ragnvaldr in Caithness may have been an example of the king playing one member of the jarlsaetten against another.

The jarlsaetten were people who possessed a claim to an earldom, in accordance with Norse custom, by right of their descent from previous earls. In fact, William made use of the jarlsaetten when he had earlier granted Caithness to Haraldr Eiríksson, a grandson of Ragnvaldr Kali Kolsson, Earl of Orkney (died 1158). On the other hand, the fact that Ragnvaldr possessed no known blood relationship with the earls could conversely be evidence that he was the first Scottish-backed ruler of Caithness without a personal connection to the Orcadian jarlsaetten.

Whatever the case, although it is not impossible that Ragnvaldr ruled as Earl of Caithness for a short
Ragnvaldr's participation in league with the Scottish Crown could have stemmed from his kinship with the Constable of Scotland, Roland fitz Uhtred, Lord of Galloway (died 1200), or perhaps resulted from a shared enmity towards the Meic Somairle.

There is much confusion surrounding two twelfth-century magnates named Máel Coluim. One was Máel Coluim mac Áeda, Earl of Ross (died c. 1168), whilst the other was Máel Coluim mac Alasdair (fl. 1134), an illegitimate son of Alexander I, King of Scotland (died 1124).

The latter Máel Coluim attempted to seize the Scottish throne earlier in the twelfth century, and appears to have been related in marriage to Somairle's family. If Hvarfl?ð's father was this Máel Coluim, it could explain an alliance between Haraldr Maddaðarson and the Meic Somairle.[112]Such an alliance with Ragnvaldr's rivals could also explain the Scottish Crown's use of him against Haraldr Maddaðarson.

From its earliest years, the Crovan dynasty forged alliances with the northern Welsh rulers of the Kingdom of Gwynedd. Some of the earliest evidence of Ragnvaldr's kingship concerns his involvement in northern Wales. During the late twelfth century, the region was wracked by vicious interdynastic warring. In 1190, one of Gruffudd's grandsons, Rhodri ab Owain Gwynedd (died 1195), was ejected from Anglesey apparently by the sons of his own brother, Cynan ab Owain Gwynedd (died 1174).

The thirteenth/fourteenth-century Brenhinedd y Saesson and the thirteenth/fourteenth-century Brut y Tywysogyon reveal that Ragnvaldr militarily supported Rhodri in his successful re-acquisition of Anglesey 3 years later.

Another mediaeval Welsh text, the fourteenth-century O Oes Gwrtheyrn Gwrtheneu, refers to the year 1193 as haf y Gwyddyl (the summer of the Gaels), which appears to
Ragnvaldr and Rhodri were also bound together by a marital alliance, as a papal letter, dated November 1199, indicates that an unnamed daughter of Ragnvaldr was betrothed to Rhodri.
Although the precise date of the marriage is unknown, Ragnvaldr's military support of Rhodri in 1193 was almost certainly related to it. Rhodri died in 1195, and the same papal letter indicates that his widow was arranged to marry his nephew, Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of Gwynedd (died 1240). The arrangement appears to have taken place in the context of Llywelyn's consolidation in Gwynedd. Like his uncle, Llywelyn appears to have intended to establish an alliance with the Islesmen in order strengthen his position in Wales.
Although the arrangement may well evidence Ragnvaldr's power and influence in the region, Llywelyn clearly extricated himself from the arrangement in order to bind himself in marriage to a much stronger and more influential superpower, the English Crown.
Although certain correspondence with the papacy reveals that the marriage between Llywelyn and Ragnvaldr's daughter had received papal approval in April 1203, another letter shows that the ratification was reversed on a technicality in February 1205. This ruling was clearly one of convenience for Llywelyn, as the latter was by this time married to Joan (died 1237), an illegitimate daughter of John, King of England (died 1216).

This may have been about the time when Ragnvaldr himself first entered into what would be an enduring relationship with the English Crown.
There may be further evidence of Ragnvaldr's Welsh connections. According to several non-contemporary Welsh genealogical tracts, the mother of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Prince of Wales (died 1282) was an otherwise unknown daughter of Ragnvaldr named Rhanullt.
If correct, these sources could indicate that Llywelyn's father, Gruffydd ap Llywelyn Fawr (died 1244) married a daughter of Ragnvaldr in about 1220. Contemporary sources, however, show that Llywelyn's mother was Senana, an undoubted wife of Gruffydd.
In yet another Welsh pedigree — one compiled by the herald and poet Lewys Dwnn (died 1616-) — Ragnvaldr is stated have had an otherwise unknown son named Hywel. Although the reliability of such late genealogical sources is suspect, Ragnvaldr's known dealings with leading Welsh dynasts could lend weight to the possibility that he had an otherwise unknown Welsh wife or concubine.

Ragnvaldr was also responsible for the Welsh translation of mediaeval texts dealing with Charlemagne and Roland. There are ten surviving manuscripts, dating no later than the seventeenth century, which preserve the thirteenth-century Cân Rolant, the Welsh version of La chanson de Roland. Along with the Welsh versions of the twelfth-century texts Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi and Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne, Cân Rolant comprises part of the Welsh Charlemagne cycle.
All but 1 of the 10 manuscripts contain a colophon noting that Ragnvaldr was responsible for the translation. The work appears to have taken place at some point after his accession, and possibly following the marriage of his daughter to Rhodri. The catalyst for the translations is uncertain. During the reign of his contemporary, Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway (died 1263), many Anglo-Norman manuscripts were translated into Old Norse, including those that became the thirteenth-century Karlamagnús saga.
Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi and Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne appear to have been known in Scandinavia by the twelfth century, and it is possible that Ragnvaldr became familiar with them whilst in Norway, leading him to commission a translation of his own. On the other hand, he could have also become familiar with the tales whilst in England. Ragnvaldr's aforesaid familial links with the Welsh, and perhaps Cistercian connections between Mann and Wales, may account for his part in the translations into Welsh. The work itself was seemingly carried out at the Ceredigion monastery of Llanbadarn Fawr, once a centre of Welsh scholarship.

Although Ragnvaldr is completely ignored by the Irish annals, other historical sources indicate that he indeed had Irish connections. For example, Orkneyinga saga notes that, when he lent military support to William 1n Caithness, Ragnvaldr led a large army drawn from Ireland. Also linking Ragnvaldr to Ireland is Henry 3's summons to Ragnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, commanding him to explain the excesses committed upon the people of our Lord the King, as well in England as in Ireland. Baile suthach síth Emhna also reveals connections with the island. Although the poem undoubtedly exaggerates Ragnvaldr's feats, its claims of devastating raids into Ireland may not be complete fantasy, as evidenced by the aforesaid summons.

The poem also alludes to Ragnvaldr's claim to kingship in Ireland, and appears to evince the prospect of seizing power in Dublin. Ragnvaldr's antecessors were certainly closely associated with the Norse-Gaelic Kingdom of Dublin. However, with the kingdom's collapse at the hands of English adventurers in 1170, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by this threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone. Despite the dynasty's original opposition to the English in Dublin, it did not take long to realign itself with this new power, as exemplified through a marital alliance between Ragnvaldr's sister, Affrica, and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy (died c. 1219).
In 1177, Courcy led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down). He reached Down (modern day Downpatrick), drove off Ruaidrí Mac Duinn Sléibe, King of Ulaid (died 1201), consolidated his conquest, and ruled his lands with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century. Although the date of the marriage between Courcy and Affrica is uncertain, the union may well have attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland. The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past-history between them, and it is possible that Courcy's marital alliance with the Crovan dynasty was the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid. In fact, Guðrøðr Óláfsson formalised his marriage to Findguala in 1176-1177, and thereby bound his dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn of Cenél nEógain, another traditional foe of the Ulaid. Courcy would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage, whilst Guðrøðr Óláfsson would have used Courcy's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.

Courcy's fall from power occurred in a series of conflicts with the English Crown between 1201 and 1204. By 1205 he was forced from Ireland altogether, and his lands were awarded to Hugh de Lacy (died 1242). During Courcy's subsequent revolt within the year, he received military support from Ragnvaldr, his brother-in-law. The Chronicle of Mann specifies that Courcy's massive force was reinforced by Ragnvaldr with one hundred ships, and states that they laid siege to a certain castle of Roth, before being beaten back with the arrival of Walter de Lacy (died 1241).
The expedition is also recorded by the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé, which states that Courcy brought a fleet from the Isles to battle the Lacys. Although the expedition ultimately proved a failure, the source indicates that the surrounding countryside was plundered and destroyed by the invaders. The identity of the castle named by the chronicle is almost certainly Dundrum Castle, which was possibly constructed by Courcy before 1203. The defeat of 1205 marks the downfall of Courcy, who never regained his Irish lands.

Ragnvaldr's involvement in Ireland, and his connection with Courcy, may have led to contact with the English kings John and Henry 3. In fact, Courcy's final downfall may have been somewhat of a relief to Ragnvaldr, since it meant that he was no longer caught between conflicting loyalties he would owe to both the English Crown and brother-in-law.

On 8 February 1205, the year of the aforesaid attack on Dundrum, John took Ragnvaldr under his protection. Exactly a year later, John issued Ragnvaldr safe conduct for fifteen days to come to England for Easter (22 April 1206). A further record dated 28 April reveals that Ragnvaldr rendered homage to John during this Easter sojourn, and states that the latter ordered the Sheriff of Lancaster to assign thirty marcates of land to Ragnvaldr. Accordingly, the Lancashire Pipe Rolls reveal that the sheriff associated twenty librates of land with Ragnvaldr during the year spanning Michaelmas 1205 and Michaelmas 1206. Since the rolls do not name any estate associated with Ragnvaldr, he does not appear to have been assigned any lands, but rather a charge upon the ferm of the county. On 29 April, John ordered his treasurer to pay thirty marks to Ragnvaldr.
About a year later, on 17 June 1207, John ordered the sheriff to assign Ragnvaldr with twenty liberates of land, a payment which is also confirmed by the Lancashire Pipe Rolls.

Ragnvaldr's increasing interaction with the English Crown after Courcy's fall suggests that the English king not only orchestrated Courcy's undoing, but purposely detached Ragnvaldr from the latter. Such an act not only considerably weakened Courcy, but lessened the chance of a Lacy counterstroke against Ragnvaldr that could potentially destabilise the Irish Sea region. In fact, the aforesaid collapse of Ragnvaldr's marital alliance with Llywelyn ap Iorwerth took place at about the same time, and it is possible that this breakup was masterminded by the English as well.

In 1210, the Chronicle of Mann reports that John led five hundred ships to Ireland. Whilst Ragnvaldr and his men were absent from Mann, part of John's forces are recorded to have landed and ravaged it for a fortnight before departing with hostages. There is does not appear to be any other evidence of possibly poor relations between Ragnvaldr and John at this time. Since the men were clearly on friendly terms between 1205 and 1207, John's assault on the island does not appear to connected to Ragnvaldr's earlier campaigning with (the then-disgraced) Courcy. Instead, it is likely that the devastation was related to John's souring relations with the Lacy and the Briouze families. In 1208, William de Briouze (died 1211), with his wife and family, fled from John to Ireland, where they were harboured by the Lacys. When John arrived in Ireland in 1210, the Briouzes fled towards Scotland, and were apprehended in Galloway by Courcy's close associate and Ragnvaldr's kinsman Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick (died 1250).

A link between the flight of the Briouzes and Ragnvaldr appears in the thirteenth-century Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre, which states that, whilst en route to Scotland just before their capture, the Briouzes stayed on Mann for four days. Although it is impossible to know for certain whether Ragnvaldr sanctioned the arrival of the fleeing Briouzes, their close connection with the Lacys, and Ragnvaldr's close connection with Courcy — a man who had been forced from his Irish lands by the Lacys — both strongly suggest that cooperation between Ragnvaldr and Briouze is unlikely. Whatever the case, English depredations on Mann are corroborated by other sources, such as the Annals of Loch Cé, and the continuation of William de Newburgh's (died 1198-) Historia rerum Anglicarum. In his own account of events, John declared that he had learned of the capture of Briouze's wife and children whilst at Carrickfergus, a statement which may hint that the attack on Mann was punitive in nature.

If the attack was indeed a case of retaliation it may not have been due to Ragnvaldr's own involvement with enemies of the English Crown. The fleeing Briouzes were also accompanied by Hugh himself, but unlike them he managed to elude capture, and was temporarily harboured in Scotland by Ailín 2, Earl of Lennox (died 1217). The Lacys' previous connections with Dublin and Ulster suggest that Hugh may have had supporters on Mann. In fact, his stay-over in Ragnvaldr's absence may have been enabled due to the fraternal discord between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr.

Occupation:
In the years between the death of Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) and the reign of Hákon, Norwegian power in the Isles was negligible due to an ongoing civil war in Norway In the mid twelfth century, however, during his visit to Norway, Ragnvaldr's father appears to have become a vassal of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) Certainly the twelfth-century Norman chronicler Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186) reported a mid-century meeting between Henry 2, King of England (died 1189), William, and the Bishop of the Isles, where it was stated that the kings of the Isles were obliged to pay the kings of Norway ten marks of gold upon the latter's accession.

Whilst bound to the English Crown in 1210, Ragnvaldr appears to have found himself the target of renewed Norwegian hegemony in the Isles.
Specifically, the Icelandic annals reveal that a military expedition from Norway to the Isles was in preparation in 1209. The following year, the same source notes warfare in the Isles, and reveals that Iona was pillaged. These reports are corroborated by B?glunga s?gur, a thirteenth-century saga-collection that survives in 2 versions. Both versions reveal that a fleet of Norwegians plundered in the Isles, and the shorter version notes how men of the Birkibeinar and the Baglar — 2 competing sides of the Norwegian civil war — decided to recoup their financial losses with a twelve-ship raiding expedition into the Isles.
The longer version states that Ragnwald (styled Konge aff Möen i Syderö) and Gudroder (styled Konge paa Manö) had not paid their taxes due to the Norwegian kings. In consequence, the source records that the Isles were ravaged until the two travelled to Norway and reconciled themselves with Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway (died 1217), whereupon the two took their lands from Ingi as a lén (or fief).

The aforesaid kings of B?glunga s?gur almost most likely represent Ragnvaldr and his son, Guðrøðr Dond (died 1231). The skattr (or tax) that Ragnvaldr and his son rendered to Ingi appears to be the same tribute that Robert noted in his aforesaid account. The submission of the Islesmen appears to have been undertaken in the context of the strengthening position of the Norwegian Crown following the settlement between the Birkibeinar and Baglar, and the simultaneous weakening of the Crovan dynasty due to internal infighting. The destructive Norse activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment from Norway due to Ragnvaldr's recalcitrance in terms of, not only his Norwegian obligations, but his recent reorientation towards the English Crown. The fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered in Norway may well indicate the importance that he placed on his relations with Ragnvaldr and his contemporaries in the Isles.

Ragnvaldr may have also used his journey as a means to safeguard the kingship against the claims of Óláfr. His presence there may explain his absence from Mann during the aforesaid ravaging of the island by the English. In fact, Ragnvaldr's submission to Ingi could have been contributed to the English attack, as it may have given the English an incentive to devastate Ragnvaldr's lands because he had bound himself to John only a few years previous. Although John had originally installed Hugh as Earl of Ulster, he proceeded to dismantle the lordship after Hugh gave refuge to the Briouzes. The ravaging of Mann, therefore, may have been a further demonstration of English royal power directed at a disloyal vassal. If this was indeed the case, Ragnvaldr's submission to the Norwegian Crown—although apparently undertaken to safeguard his kingdom—clearly resulted in severe repercussions.

Numerous sources reveal that, in the years following the aforesaid ravaging of Mann and plundering of the Isles, Ragnvaldr bound himself closer to the English Crown. Whilst at Lambeth on 16 May 1212, for instance, during what was likely his second visit to England in six years, Ragnvaldr formally swore that he was John's liegeman. Ragnvaldr's visit to England is corroborated by a record, dated 20 May, regarding the English Crown's payment of ten marks for conducting Ragnvaldr home. Further corroboration is provided by the record, dated 16 May, concerning the release of some of Ragnvaldr's men who had been held in custody at Porchester and Dover.

In another record, also dated 16 May, John authorised his seneschals, governors, and bailiffs in Ireland to come to Ragnvaldr's aid in the event that his territory was threatened by Wikini or others, since Ragnvaldr had bound himself to do the same against John's own enemies. The record of Wikini or Vikings in this order may refer to the Norwegian raiders, like those who plundered the Isles in 1210. This particular source reveals that, not only was Ragnvaldr protected by John, but that he was also obligated to defend John's interests in the Irish Sea region.

Yet another transaction dated 16 May, in return for the homage and service that he rendered to the English Crown, Ragnvaldr and his heirs received a grant consisting of one knight's fee of land at Carlingford, and one hundred measures of corn to be paid yearly at Drogheda for the service of a knight. The grant gave Ragnvaldr a valuable foothold in Ireland, and provided his powerful galley-fleet with an additional safe haven. The precise location of the territory granted to Ragnvaldr is unrecorded and unknown. Carlingford had until recently been a power centre of the aforesaid Hugh, and Ragnvaldr's grant may fit into the context of filling the power vacuum following the destruction of the Lacy lordship.

Ragnvaldr's gifts from the English Crown may fit into the context of John attempting to offset interference from the Philip Augustus, King of France (died 1223). At about this time, the French Crown had orchestrated a Franco-Welsh alliance in an attempt to divert the English to deal with a Welsh uprising rather than focus their forces upon the Continent and France in particular. In fact, there is evidence that Norman ships were active off Wales in 1210. Although John had come to terms with Llywelyn ap Iorwerth in 1211, the following year the latter formed a concord with Philip.
By May 1212, John succeeded in gaining the support of several foreign lords, such as the counts of Bar, Boulogne, and Flanders, the dukes of Brabant and Limburg, the Holy Roman Emperor, and Ragnvaldr himself. Despite these overtures, however, the Welsh uprisings of 1211 and 1212, as well as an English revolt in 1212, all succeeded in keeping English forces from invading France.

As a consequence of Ragnvaldr's vassalage to the English Crown, and his role as guardian of the English seaways, it is probable that Islesmen were involved in far fewer predatory actions along the English and Irish coasts. At about the same time, several south-western Scottish magnates received grants in the north of Ireland. These included three of Ragnvaldr's Meic Fergusa kinsmen: Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway (died 1234), Alan's brother Thomas fitz Roland, Earl of Atholl (died 1231), and Donnchad. Such grants appear to have been part of a coordinated campaign of the English and Scottish kings to gain authority over outlying territories where royal influence was limited.

A record dated 3 January 1214 appears to confirm the English Crown's intentions of protecting the Islesmen, as it prohibits certain mariners of Ireland from entering Ragnvaldr's territories at his loss. The English pledges of protection of Ragnvaldr and his Irish holdings suggest that he was under immediate pressure at this period. It is possible, therefore, that the 1211-1212 seaborne devastation of Derry by Thomas fitz Roland, and the unnamed sons of Ragnall—apparently Ruaidrí (died 1247?) and Domnall—was undertaken in support of Ragnvaldr's interests in Ireland.
In fact, Thomas fitz Roland and Ruaidrí ransacked Derry again in 1213-1214, and it is also possible that the raids were conducted in the interests of both the Scottish and English Crowns, and specifically aimed at limiting Irish support of the Meic Uilleim dissidents. If these attacks were indeed directed against political enemies of the Scottish and English Crowns, it is not improbable that Ragnvaldr and his forces were also involved.

John died in October 1216, and was succeeded by his young son, Henry 3. The English summons of Ragnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, in which he was ordered to amend certain excesses committed upon Henry 3's men in Ireland and England, could be evidence that Islesmen took advantage of the somewhat fractured English realm by plundering the coasts of England and Ireland. If this was indeed the case, there is no further evidence of any such depredations.
Later in May, the English Crown commanded that Ragnvaldr was to be given safe passage to England in order account for the aforesaid misconduct of his men.

Whether Ragnvaldr actually travelled there that year is unknown, although various records reveal that he certainly did so the following year. For example, he was granted safe passage by the English Crown on 24 September 1219. Evidence of Ragnvaldr's activity in England survives in references of homage rendered to Henry 3. One such record shows that, in late September, Ragnvaldr rendered homage to Henry 3, and received the same fief that John had given him.
In another record of his homage the English Crown added the qualification: But if our enemies, or his, shall rebel against us, and him, to the loss of our or his land, then you are to be earnest in your help, for the defence of our land and of his, to our safety and convenience, so long as he shall keep himself faithful towards us.
Therefore, whatever excesses Ragnvaldr's men had committed in the past, the surviving evidence reveals that by 1219 he was again amicably allied to the English king.

In the autumn of 1219, whilst in London at the Temple Church, Ragnvaldr surrendered Mann to the papacy, swore to perform homage for the island, and promised to pay 12 marks sterling in perpetuity as tribute. Ragnvaldr's submission was accepted, on behalf of Pope Honorius 3 (died 1227), by the papal legate to England, Pandulf, Bishop-elect of Norwich (died 1226). Such a submission was not unprecedented at the time. For example, John had surrendered his kingdom to the papacy through Pandulf about six years beforehand, whilst facing not only a major crisis from within his own realm, but an imminent invasion by Louis 8, King of France (died 1226) from without.

The precise impetus behind Ragnvaldr's submission is uncertain, although it may well have been related to the threat of ever-strengthening Norwegian kingship. Certainly Hákon had only acceded to the Norwegian kingship two years previously, and by the early part of his reign the civil warring within his realm began to wane.
In his submission, Ragnvaldr stated that the kingdom was his by hereditary right, and that he held it without any obligation to anyone. This contradicts the aforesaid statement by B?glunga s?gur, which declare that he and his son swore loyalty to Hákon and took his kingdom in fief of the latter.
The submission, therefore, may have been a means by which Ragnvaldr attempted to release himself from Norwegian overlordship. Furthermore, a royal order addressed to Henry 3's administrators in Ireland, dated 4 November 1220, commanded Henry 3's men to render military aid to Ragnvaldr, since the latter had provided evidence that Hákon was plotting to invade his island-kingdom.
Not long after this enlistment of English support, the Annals of Loch Cé and the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters report the death of Diarmait Ua Conchobair at the hands of Thomas fitz Roland in 1221. These sources state that Diarmait was in the process of assembling a fleet in the Isles to reclaim the kingship of Connacht.
There is a possibility, however, that his actions in the Isles were connected to the aforesaid Norwegian threat feared by Ragnvaldr. In fact, Diarmait's kinsman, Áed na nGall Ua Conchobair (died 1274), appears to have attempted the procurement of Hákon's assistance at a later date.

Ragnvaldr's papal submission may have also been linked to his feud with Óláfr. For example, in the last hours of his life, John appealed to Pope Innocent 3 (died 1216) to ensure the succession of his young son, Henry 3.
Although the chronology of Ragnvaldr and Óláfr's feud is not entirely clear, the hostilities which entangled Ragnvaldr's son broke out in the 1220s. Ragnvaldr, therefore, may have intended to secure, not only his own kingship, but also the future succession of his son.
Whatever the case, it is unknown how well Ragnvaldr kept his obligations to the papacy. The limited surviving evidence of communications between Mann and Rome appear to show that his commitments were not taken up by his successors.
Nevertheless, centuries after his death, Ragnvaldr's deal with the papacy was commemorated by a fresco in the Vatican Archives.

Upon Óláfr's return from his pilgrimage, the Chronicle of Mann records that Ragnvaldr had him marry Lauon, the sister of his own wife. Ragnvaldr then granted Lewis and Harris back to Óláfr, where the newly-weds proceeded to live until the arrival of Reginaldus, Bishop of the Isles (died c. 1226). The chronicle claims that the bishop disapproved of the marriage on the grounds that Óláfr had formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon. A synod was then assembled, after which the marriage is stated to have been nullified.
Although the chronicle alleges that Óláfr's marriage was doomed for being within a prohibited degree of kinship, there is evidence to suggest that the real reason for its demise was the animosity between the half-brothers. For example, Reginaldus and Óláfr appear to have been closely associated, as the chronicle notes that, not only was Reginaldus was a son of Óláfr's sister, but that Óláfr had warmly greeted Reginaldus when the latter arrived on Lewis and Harris.
Furthermore, it was Reginaldus who had instigated the annulment. In fact, after the previous Bishop of the Isles died in 1217, Reginaldus and Nicholas de Meaux, Abbot of Furness (died 1217) had vied for the office of bishop. Whilst Reginaldus appears to have enjoyed the support of Óláfr, Ragnvaldr appears to have supported the bid of Reginaldus' rival, Nicholas.

The precise identity of the half-brothers' shared father-in-law is uncertain. The chronicle describes him as a nobleman from Kintyre, which suggests that he was a member of the Meic Somairle, since sources concerning this kindred link them with Kintyre more than any other region. The father-in-law, therefore, may well have been Ragnvaldr's aforesaid first cousin Ragnall, or Ragnall's son Ruaidrí — both of whom appear to have been styled Lord of Kintyre in contemporary sources — or possibly Ragnall's younger son, Domnall. It is conceivable that the first union was undertaken before 1210,[289] perhaps not long after 1200 considering the age of Guðrøðr Dond, Ragnvaldr's aforesaid son.

The unions themselves appear to have been orchestrated in an effort to patch up relations between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty, neighbouring kindreds who had bitterly contested the kingship of the Isles for about sixty years.
In fact, it is possible that Ragnvaldr's kingship was formally recognised by Ruaidrí, the apparent leading Meic Somairle dynast since Áengus' death in 1210, who thereby established himself as a leading magnate within a reunified Kingdom of the Isles.
Since the majority of Ruaidrí's territories appear to have been mainland possessions, it is very likely that the Scottish Crown regarded this reunification as a threat to its own claims of overlordship of Argyll. In fact, it is possible that the Scots' aforesaid release of Óláfr in 1214 was intended to cause dynastic discord in the Isles. If that was indeed the case, then the Scottish Crown's machinations had temporarily come to nought because of Óláfr's reconciliation and arraigned marriage.

Once freed from his arranged marriage, the Chronicle of Mann states that Óláfr proceeded to marry Cristina, daughter of Ferchar, Earl of Ross (died c. 1251).
The latter emerges from historical obscurity in 1215; and by the mid 1220s, about the time of the Cristina and Óláfr's marriage, Ferchar was rewarded with the Earldom of Ross for remarkable services to the Scottish Crown.
As for Óláfr, control of the Skye and Lewis and Harris island groups—archipelagos that bordered the expansive territory of the Meic Somairle—could well have made himself a valuable potential ally of the Scottish Crown.
In fact, the collapse of Óláfr's previous Meic Somairle marriage took place at about the time that Ruaidrí was seemingly ejected from Kintyre by the forces of Alexander 2, King of Scotland (died 1249) in 1221–1222. Óláfr's subsequent realignment with Ferchar—Alexander's protégé—not only appears to evince Óláfr's recognition of the shift of power in north-western Scotland,[296] but may also signal Ragnvaldr's loss of support from the Scottish Crown.

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's separation from Lauon enraged her sister, who surreptitiously tricked her son, Guðrøðr Dond, into attacking Óláfr. Following what he thought were his father's orders, Guðrøðr Dond gathered a force on Skye and proceeded to Lewis and Harris, where the chronicle records that he laid waste to most of the island. Óláfr is said to have only narrowly escaped with a few men, and to have fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland in Ross. Óláfr is stated to have been followed into exile by Páll Bálkason (died 1231), a sheriff on Skye who refused to take up arms against Óláfr.
The chronicle then indicates that the two landed on Skye, and learned where Guðrøðr Dond was stationed, and defeated him in battle. The latter's captured followers were put to death, whilst Guðrøðr Dond himself was blinded and castrated. Although the chronicle maintains that Óláfr was unable to prevent this torture, the Icelandic annals record that Óláfr was indeed responsible for his nephew's plight.

The vicious mutilation and killing of high status kinsmen during power-struggles was not an unknown phenomenon in the peripheral-regions of the British Isles during the High Middle Ages. In fact, in only the century-and-a-half of its existence, at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination.
In fact, Guðrøðr Dond's plight may well have been used as a means to reveal that Óláfr intended to wrest his perceived birthright from Ragnvaldr's bloodline. It is unknown why Ragnvaldr had not neutralised Óláfr the same way when he had the chance years before in 1208, although it may have had something to do with international relations. For example, it is possible that his act of showing leniency to Óláfr had garnered Scottish support against the aforesaid threat of Norwegian overlordship.[290] Whatever the case, the neutralisation of Guðrøðr Dond appears to mark a turning point in the struggle between the Óláfr and Ragnvaldr.

Roughly about this point in time, correspondence between Joan, Queen of Scotland (died 1238) and her brother, Henry 3, reveals that the Norwegian Crown was rumoured to have been planning a naval expedition west over sea. Although Joan's letter places this campaign in the context of a threat to English interests in Ireland, it may be more likely that Hákon's attention was focused upon the escalating situation in the Isles.
One possibility is that the queen's correspondence is evidence that Óláfr had appealed to Hákon for supported against Ragnvaldr.

The aforesaid kin-strife largely took place on Skye and Lewis and Harris, islands that were clearly important within the kingdom.
In fact, there is evidence to suggest that the kingdom's northern territories were granted by reigning kings to their heir-apparent. For example, during the eleventh-century reign of the dynasty's founder, Guðrøðr Crovan, the northern portion of his realm may have been governed by his son, L?gmaðr. Ragnvaldr's grant of Lewis and Harris to Óláfr, therefore, may indicate that Óláfr was then regarded as Ragnvaldr's rightful successor.
Furthermore, the fact that Ragnvaldr was residing in the Hebrides when his father died in 1187 may indicate that, despite the chronicle's claims to the contrary, Ragnvaldr was indeed the rightful heir to the kingship. Additionally, since Ragnvaldr's son is recorded on Skye, the possibility exists that he resided there as heir-apparent. This could indicate that portions of the Hebrides were allotted to members of the dynasty who were passed-over for the kingship.
In any event, it is apparent that such territorial fragmentation would have severely weakened the realm.

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Ragnvaldr's realm was the far-flung Diocese of the Isles. Like the Kingdom of the Isles itself, the origins of the diocese may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium.
In the mid twelfth century, during the reign of Ragnvaldr's father, the diocese came to be incorporated into the newly established Norwegian Archdiocese of Niðaróss.
In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.
Before the close of the twelfth century, however, evidence of a new ecclesiastical jurisdiction—the Diocese of Argyll—begins to emerge during ongoing contentions between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty.

In the early 1190s, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Cristinus, Bishop of the Isles, an Argyllman who was probably a Meic Somairle candidate, was deposed and replaced by Michael (died 1203), a Manxman who appears to have been backed by Ragnvaldr.
The tenure of Cristinus seems to have spanned at least two decades during a sustained period of Meic Somairle power in the Isles. His downfall, however, came about at the time of the Crovan dynasty's resurgence under the then-recently enthroned Ragnvaldr.

After Michael's death in 1203, a certain Koli is recorded to have been consecrated in 1210. The situation between this span of years is uncertain.
On one hand, it is possible that the see was vacant between these years. On the other hand, Koli could have been elected bishop in 1203, but only consecrated in 1210. Another possibility is that the see was administered from Lismore—the future seat of the Diocese of Argyll—under the ultimate authority of Áengus, the aforementioned Meic Somairle dynast slain in 1210.
There is also a possibility that Koli's consecration was connected to the aforesaid attack on Iona in 1209-1210.
Not only does the Norwegian expedition appear to have compelled Ragnvaldr and his son to submit to the Norwegian Crown in 1210, but it also made landfall in Orkney, and brought back to Norway the joint Orcadian earls and their bishop. The entire undertaking, therefore, may have been designed to reassert Norwegian overlordship over both secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Norwegian satellites overseas.
If correct, the voyage would seem to have been orchestrated by both Ingi and his chief prelate, Þórir Guðmundarson, Archbishop of Niðaróss (died 1214). Although the Meic Somairle controversially refounded Iona at the turn of the century, and further secured its independence from the Diocese of the Isles by placing it under the protection of the papacy, the Norwegian sack of the island may not have been a sanctioned act One possibility is that a visit to the island by the Norwegian delegation disastrously deteriorated into otherwise unplanned violence.

The next bishop after Koli was the aforesaid Reginaldus. Although Reginaldus' aforesaid rival for the episcopate, Nicholas, is recorded to have gained the support of the communities of Furness and Rushen, he does not appear to have ever occupied the see.
In fact, Nicholas appears to have spent much of his time in Rome, since correspondence from the papacy to Walter de Gray, Archbishop of York (died 1255), concerning Nicholas' final resignation, states that the latter had long been exiled from his see because the lord of the land and others were altogether opposed to him.
As early as November 1219, papal correspondence reveals that the pope had urged the leading men of the Isles to accept Nicholas' episcopacy.

Ragnvaldr's remarkably warm relations with the papacy, and his deteriorating relationship with Óláfr, could be evidence that the papal correspondence in support of Nicholas was directed at Óláfr instead of Ragnvaldr. Further indication of Ragnvaldr's support of Nicholas may be his renewal of the rights of Furness Abbey to elect the Bishop of the Isles.
The English Crown's aforesaid warning to Óláfr about harming the monks of Furness could betray some sort of grievance with the community, whilst Ragnvaldr's burial at Furness appears show evidence his own affinity with the community. The controversy over the appointment of bishops, therefore, appears to have been yet another aspect of ongoing kin-strife within the Crovan dynasty. In fact, the final resignation of Nicholas in 1224 corresponds to the realignment of the kingdom between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr, and the whole dispute coincides with the Óláfr's gradual successes against Ragnvaldr.
Whatever the case, Reginaldus' successor was a man named John who apparently died in an accident not long afterwards. The next bishop was Simon (died 1248), a man consecrated in 1226 by the Archbishop of Niðaróss, and whose tenure outlived both Ragnvaldr and Óláfr.

In 1224, the year following the aforesaid defeat of Ragnvaldr's son, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr took hostages from the leading men of the Hebridean portion of the realm, and with a fleet of 32 ships, landed on Mann at Ronaldsway, where he confronted Ragnvaldr directly. It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the 2; with Ragnvaldr keeping Mann itself along with the title of king, and Óláfr retaining the Hebridean portion.
With Óláfr's rise at Ragnvaldr expense, the latter turned to Alan, one of Scotland's most powerful magnates.

Alan and Ragnvaldr were certainly closely connected. Both were great-grandsons of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161);[348]both had received Ulster lands from the English at about the same time; and it is possible that connections between the Isles and Galloway had led to Ragnvaldr's aforesaid involvement with the Scottish Crown in Caithness.
Whatever the case, in a letter from Alan to Henry 3, dated the year of the partitioning between the half-brothers, Alan mentioned that he was preoccupied with his army and fleet, travelling from island to island. This statement may well evince the beginning of the joint military operations, conducted by Alan and Ragnvaldr against Óláfr, assigned by the chronicle to the following year. According to the latter source, however, the campaigning came to nought because the Manx were unwilling to battle against Óláfr and the Hebrideans.

According to the thirteenth-century Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar, 1224 was also the year in which Hákon was visited by Gillikristr, Óttar Snækollsson, and many Islesmen, who presented the king with letters concerning certain needs of their lands.
If these so-called needs refer to the bitter conflict between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr, it is possible that the visiting men were representatives of either man, or perhaps neutral chieftains caught in the middle.
Another factor may have been fears of Scottish aggression, in the aftermath of the aforesaid invasion of Kintyre, that unnerved the Islesmen. Further attempts to quell the infighting by way of the Norwegian Crown may have been undertaken in 1226, when the aforesaid Simon was consecrated in Norway.

A short time later, perhaps in about 1225 or 1226, the chronicle reveals that Ragnvaldr oversaw the marriage of a daughter of his to Alan's young illegitimate son, Thomas (died 1296-). Unfortunately for Ragnvaldr, this marital alliance appears to have cost him the kingship, since the chronicle records that the Manxmen had him removed from power and replaced with Óláfr.
The recorded resentment of the union could indicate that Alan's son was intended to eventually succeed Ragnvaldr, who was perhaps about sixty years-old at the time, and whose grandchildren were still very young.
In fact, it is possible that, in light of Ragnvaldr's advanced age and his son's mutilation, a significant number of the Islesmen regarded Óláfr as the rightful heir. Such a view could well account for the lack of enthusiasm the Manxmen had for Alan and Ragnvaldr's campaign into the Hebrides.
Since Thomas was likely little more than a teenager at the time probably meant that it was obvious to observers that Alan was the one who would hold the real power in the kingdom.
From the perspective of the Scottish Crown, it is conceivable that Alan's ambitions in the Isles were encouraged since the prospect of his son on the throne had the potential to further extend and strengthen Scottish royal authority along the western seaboard, and bring stability to the war-torn region.
As for Alan—a man who faced the probability that Galloway would be partitioned between his legitimate daughters on his eventual death—the marital alliance may have been conducted as a means to ensure a power base for Thomas, whose illegitimacy threatened to exclude him from inheriting his father's domain under the feudal laws of the English and Scottish realms.

At this low point of his career, the deposed Ragnvaldr appears to have gone into exile at Alan's court in Galloway.
In 1228, whilst Óláfr and his chieftains were absent in Hebrides, the chronicle records of an invasion of Mann by Ragnvaldr, Alan, and Thomas fitz Roland. The attack appears to have resulted in the complete devastation of the southern half of the island, since the chronicle declares that it was almost reduced to a desert.
The chronicle's report that Alan installed bailiffs on Mann, with instructions to collect tribute from the island and send it back to Galloway, may reveal the price Ragnvaldr had to pay for Alan's support in the affair.
In fact, Ragnvaldr's role in the takeover is unrecorded. Suffering serious setbacks at the hands of his enemies, Óláfr reached out for English assistance against his half-brother, as evidenced from the aforesaid correspondence dating to the same year, between Henry 3 and Óláfr, in which the latter alluded to aggression dealt from Alan.
Eventually, after Alan vacated Mann for home, Óláfr and his forces reappeared on the island, and routed the remaining Gallovidians; and thus, the chronicle declares, peace was restored to Mann.

In the same year, English records reveal that Henry 3 attempted to broker a peace between the half-brothers, and gave Óláfr safe passage to England. This correspondence may have led to Óláfr's temporary absence from Mann that year. It could also roughly mark the point when Ragnvaldr finally lost English support.
Although the English Crown technically recognised Óláfr's kingship in correspondence sent to him the year before, the aggressive tone directed at him suggests that the preferred dynast may well have Ragnvaldr at that point in time.

In what was likely early January 1229, the chronicle records that Ragnvaldr caught the forces of Óláfr unaware, as Ragnvaldr sailed from Galloway with five ships, and launched a nocturnal raid upon the harbour at St Patrick's Isle, near what is today the town of Peel. During this daring assault, the chronicle records that Ragnvaldr had all of the ships of Óláfr and his chieftains destroyed. Although the chronicle's description of the attack alludes to Gallovidian involvement, as it states that the expedition originated from Galloway, the fact that Ragnvaldr commanded only five ships suggests that this support may have been waning. This does not necessary indicate that Alan abandoned Ragnvaldr's cause, however, as Alan may well have been engaged in campaigning against the ongoing Meic Uilleim insurrection against the Scottish Crown. Even if this was the case, Ragnvaldr may have also considered Alan's involvement a detriment at this stage.

Ragnvaldr followed up on his assault by establishing himself in the southern part of Mann, as the chronicle records that he won over the support of the southerners. Meanwhile, Óláfr is stated to have assembled his forces in the north of Mann, indicating that the island was divided between the two men for much of January and February, before what would be their final confrontation. According to the chronicle, Ragnvaldr and Óláfr led their armies to Tynwald.
The derivation of this place name—from the Old Norse elements þing (assembly) and vallr (field, meadow) —reveals that it was an assembly site, which in turn suggests that negotiations may have been intended.

On 14 February, the festival of St Valentine, the chronicle records that Óláfr's forces launched an attack upon Ragnvaldr at Tynwald, where Ragnvaldr's troops were routed and he himself was slain.
Ragnvaldr's fall is laconically corroborated by the Icelandic annals.
Other sources appear to suggest that his death was due to treachery. The fourteenth-century Chronicle of Lanercost, for example, states that Ragnvaldr fell a victim to the arms of the wicked; whilst the Chronicle of Mann states that, although Óláfr grieved at his half-brother's death, he never exacted vengeance upon his killers.
The chronicle states that the monks of Rushen took Ragnvaldr's body to St Mary's Abbey, Furness, where he was buried in a place that he had chosen beforehand.
A particular sandstone effigy of an armed, mail-clad warrior, found in the north aisle of the abbey, has been associated with Ragnvaldr since the first half of the nineteenth century. Such an association, however, is dubious at best.