Zinow Genealogy Website

The history of the Norwegian Zinow family, and their connected families of Lorentzen, Hugaas, Schøyen, Møller, Skrogstad, Høyem, Reitan, Brinchmann, Sværen, Harbo, Bernhoft, Hiorth, Linge, Tjomsaas, Cudrio, Borlaug, Husabø, Børsheim, Coucheron, Irgens etc. ...and for our beautiful long-haired dachshund; Tina

Notes

Matches 10,651 to 10,700 of 16,382

#	Notes	Linked to
10651	Ifølge Schønning - De Blixers Slegte-Register - står det om Kirsten: Kirsten, Hr.Larses Hustrue, har og været i den Kongl: Fruerstue i Stokholm.	Eriksdatter, Kirsten "Blix" (I2787)
10652	Ifølge skiftebrevet av 1690 hadde de følgende barn: Laurits, Johannes, Anna Katarina, Anders, Peder, Elisebet Maria, Mætta. Barn: 1. Laurits Andersen Riber, f.1658, d.1709. 2. Johannes Andersen Riber, d.1730. 3. Anna Katarina Andersdatter Riber. 4. Anders Andersen Riber, f.1663. 5. Peder Andersen Riber, f.1676, d.1721. 6. Elisabeth Maria Andersdatter Riber. 7. Mætta Andersdatter Riber.	Family: Anders Andersen Riber / Katarina Helvik Lauritsdatter Galtung, "Riber" (F4650)
10653	Ifølge Snorre Sturlasson født på den 25. juli (selveste Jakobsdagen).	Olofson av Sverige, Anund Jakob (I4441)
10654	Igjen fortsatte Thorvald Stoltenberg som statssekretær. Denne gang for forsvarsminister Alv Jakob Fostervoll i regjeringen til Trygve Bratteli.	Stoltenberg, Thorvald (I2669)
10655	Igjen var Ruth hushjelp (maid), og Einar sjåfør, denne gang arbeidet de for Hymans. Ruth og Einar startet hos Mrs. R.Hyman, 1430 Lake Shore Drive, for $75 i måneden, utbetalt $37,50 hver 1. og 15. Her jobbet de til 15.august samme år.	Zinow, Einar "Skøien" (I8)
10656	Igor 1. besteg tronen 913. Han hadde hell i krig, blant annet mot Bysants.	Rurikovitsj av Kiev, Igor "Igor 1" (I3694)
10657	Ikke nevnt under manntallet 1664.	Augustinsen Syltingli, Søren (I10939)
10658	Ildjernet festeseddel. Niels Dorph, biskop over Aggershuus stiftt og concicstorialraad giør vitterligt, at, eftterat Ole Gabrielsen, som havde fæstet den halve part Jldjernet, Bispestoelen tilhørig, ved døden er afgaaen, og Hans Pedersen haver taget Ole Gabrielsens eftterladte encke til egte, jeg haver til bemelte Hans Pedersen fæstet den deel af Jldjeernets øe, som benæfnte Ole Gabrielsen havde fæstet og brugt, hvilken deel Hans Pedersen maae tiltræde, bruge og beholde, saalenge hand beviiser mig, som landherre all pligtig lydighed og intet saadant sig foretager, hvorved hand sit fæste kand forbryde. Christiania bispegaard den 18 juny 1746. N. Dorph. Betalt til Christiania Vejsenhuus een rixort. Wold tingstue den 16 nov. 1746. Kilde: Panteboknummer: I 1, f. 360. Sted: Follo sorenskriveri.	Family: Hans Pedersen / Berthe Bastiansdatter, "Ildjernet" (F4528)
10659	Imidlertid ble ikke Anders Roaldsens opphold i Støren av lang varighet. Alt etter et par års forløp fratrådte han og ettermannen Anders Ellefsen tok over. Anders Roaldsen kom da til Strinda, etter det Schønning og en matrikkelbok for Dalenes prosti vet å melde. Her ble han til han ble sikneprest i Oppdal i 1634.	Roaldsen Blik, Anders (I1910)
10660	Immanuel Lutheran Cemetery.	Jordahl, Jerry Merlin (I13366)
10661	Immatrikulert i København den 1.mai 1615 som Petrus Johannis Niderosiesis.	Hansen Bernhoft, Peder (I2189)
10662	Immatrikulert som - Joannis Petri Bernhovius - 6.september 1649, dimittert fra Trondheim.	Pedersen Bernhoft, Hans (I10888)
10663	Immatrikulert ved Rostocks universitet i oktober 1611 som Georgius Johannis Bullius Nidrosiensis. Antagelig har han arvet noen penger etter faren, og brukt disse til å reise ut for. Muligens er han også den Georgius Johannis Nidrosiensis som 12. mai 1613 er immatrikulert ved Københavns universitet (se A. E. Eriksen: Norske studenter 1611-1635, hvor det antas at det er sogneprest i Sparbu Jørgen Parelius som ble innskrevet under denne dato).	Jensen Bull, Jørgen (I8980)
10664	In 1028 Baldwin married the widow Adèle of France in Amiens, daughter of King Robert 2 of France. She was born 1009 in Toulouse, and died January 8th 1079 in Monastaere de L'ordre, de St. Benoist, Messines. About Adèle's first marriage: In January of 1027 she married Richard 3 Curthose, King of France , son of Richard 2 the Good, Duke of Normandy and Judith of Brittany, Duchess of Rennes . Richard was born in 1000 in Rouen, Seine Inferieure, France and died on 6 Aug 1028 in Seine-Maritime, Normandy, France. Children: Helena le Bon of Normandy was born in 1023 in Normandy, France. She married Nigel 1 de Sauveur, Viscount Cotentin. After Richard's death 6 August 1028 (1027?), Adela secondly married Baldwin 5, Count of Flanders. Children: 1. Maud, Matilda de Flanders, Countess of Flanders & Normandy, Queen Of England was born in 1035 in Flanders, Belgium, died on 3 Nov 1083 in Caen, Normandy, France, and was buried in St. Stephen's Abbey, Caen, Normandy, France. Maud married William 1 the Conqueror, King of England, son of Robert 2 the Devil, Duke of Normandy, King of France and Herleva Arlette de Falaize, Officer of the Household, in 1053 in Cathedral of Notre Dame, Paris, France. William was born on 14 Oct 1024 in Falaise Castle, Falaise, Calvados, Basse-Normandy, France, died on 9 Sep 1087 in Hermentruvilleby, Rouen, Seine Maritime, France, and was buried in Saint Stephen's Abbey, Caen, Normandy, France. Even after William conquered England and became its king, it took her more than a year to visit the kingdom. Even after she had been crowned queen, she would spend most of her time in Normandy, governing the duchy, supporting her brother's interests in Flanders, and sponsoring ecclesiastic houses there. She had just one of her children in England; Henry was born in Yorkshire when Matilda accompanied her husband in the Harrying of the North. Matilda was crowned queen on May 11, 1068, in Westminster during the feast of Pentecost, in a ceremony presided over by the archbishop of York. Three new phrases were incorporated to cement the importance of English consorts, stating that the Queen was divinely placed by God, shares in royal power, and blesses her people by her power and virtue. Matilda bore William 9 or 10 children, including two kings, William 2 and Henry 1. He was believed to have been faithful to her and never produced a child outside their marriage. Despite her royal duties, Matilda was deeply invested in her children's well-being. All were known for being remarkably educated. Her daughters were educated and taught to read Latin at Sainte-Trinité in Caen founded by Matilda and William in response to the recognition of their marriage. For her sons, she secured Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury of whom she was an ardent supporter. Both she and William approved of the Archbishop's desire to revitalize the Church. She stood as godmother for Matilda of Scotland, who would become Queen of England after marrying Matilda's son Henry 1. During the christening, the baby pulled Queen Matilda's headdress down on top of herself, which was seen as an omen that the younger Matilda would be queen some day as well. Matilda fell ill during the summer of 1083 and died in November 1083. Her husband was present for her final confession. William died four years later in 1087. Contrary to the common belief that she was buried at St. Stephen's, also called l'Abbaye-aux-Hommes in Caen, Normandy, where William was eventually buried, she is entombed in Caen at l'Abbaye aux Dames, which is the community of Sainte-Trinité. Of particular interest is the 11th-century slab, a sleek black stone decorated with her epitaph, marking her grave at the rear of the church. In contrast, the grave marker for William's tomb was replaced as recently as the beginning of the 19th century. 2. Baldwin 6, 1030-1070. A Belgian nobleman. He was the ruling count of Hainaut from 1051 to 1070 (as Baldwin 1) and Count of Flanders from 1067 to 1070. Baldwin was the eldest son of Baldwin 5 of Flanders and Adela of France. His father arranged his marriage, under threat of arms, to Richilde, the widow of Herman of Mons and heiress of Hainaut. As Hainaut was a part of the empire this enraged Henry 3 who had not been consulted causing him to wage war on the two Baldwins but was not successful. Between 1050 and 1054 Lambert 2, Count of Lens fought alongside the Baldwins against Henry 3 finding that this alliance best protected his interests. Baldwin died 17 Jul 1070. His early death left Flanders and Hainaut in the hands of his young son Arnulf 3, with Richilde as regent. The young Arnulf 3 was killed the next year at the Battle of Cassel (1071) and Baldwin's younger son eventually became Baldwin 2 of Hainaut. The countship was soon usurped by Baldwin's brother Robert the Frisian, who became count Robert 1 of Flanders. Baldwin had constructed the church of St. Peter's of Hasnon, placed monks there and designated it as his burial place. 3. Robert 1 of Flanders, 1033-1093.	Family: Balduin (Baldwin) av Flandern, "Balduin 5" / (F2577)
10665	In 1121 (or 1119) Pomeranian Dukes Wartislaw 1 and Swietopelk 1 were defeated by Boleslaw's army at the battle of Niek?ad? near Gryfice. Polish troops ravaged Pomerania, destroyed native strongholds, and forced thousands of Pomeranians to resettle deep into Polish territory. Boleslaw's further expansion was directed to Szczecin (1121–1122). He knew that this city was well defended by both the natural barrier of the Oder river and his well-built fortifications, like Kolobrzeg. The only way to approach the walls was through the frozen waters of a nearby swamp. Taking advantage of this element of surprise, Boleslaw launched his assault from precisely that direction, and took control of the city. Much of the population was slaughtered and the survivors were forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler. A further step is probably fought battles on the western side of the Oder River, where Boleslaw had addressed areas to the Lake Morzyce (now the German Müritz). These areas were outside the territorial scope of Pomeranians. In parallel with the expansion of the Polish ruler to the west continued the conquest of these lands by Lothair, Duke of Saxony (and future Holy Roman Emperor). According to contemporary sources, a Saxon army approaching from above the Elbe River in the direction of today's Rostock. They conquered the Warinis, Circipanes, Kessinians and part of the Tollensers tribes. The expansion led by the two rulers was probably the result of earlier unknown agreements. This was the first step for the later Christianization of Pomeranian lands. In 1122 Boleslaw finally conquered Western Pomerania, who became a Polish fief. Duke Wartislaw 1 was forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler, paying an annual tribute of 500 marks of fine silver and the obligation to give military aid to Poland at Boleslaw’s request. In subsequent years the tribute was reduced to 300 marks. This success enabled Boleslaw to make further conquests. In 1123 his troops even reached to Rügen, but didn't mastered these areas. According to modern historiography, Boleslaw began to pay tribute to Emperor Henry 5, at least from 1135. Is believed that the amount was 500 marks of fine silver annually. It's unknown why Boleslaw began to paid homage to Henry 5, as the sources do not mention any reference about the Polish ruler being tributary of the Holy Roman Empire in the period 1121–1135. In order to make Polish and Pomeranian ties stronger, Boleslaw organized a mission to Christianize the newly acquired territory. The Polish monarch understood that the Christianization of the conquered territory would be an effective means of strengthening his authority there. At the same time he wished to subordinate Pomerania to the Gniezno Archbishopric. Unfortunately first attempts made by unknown missionaries did not make the desired progress. Another attempt, officially sponsored by Boleslaw and led by Bernard the Spaniard, who traveled to Wolin during 1122–1123, has ended in another failure. The next 2 missions were carried out in 1124–1125 and 1128 by Bishop Otto of Bamberg (called the Apostle of Pomerania). After appropriate consultation with Boleslaw, Bishop Otto set out on a first stage of Christianization of the region in 1124. In his mission Otto stayed firstly at Boleslaw's court, where he was provided with appropriate equipment, fire and several clergymen for his trip to Pomerania. The Bishop was accompanied throughout his mission by the Pomeranian ruler Wartislaw 1, who greeted him on the border of his domains, in the environs of the city of Sanok. In Stargard the pagan prince promised Otto his assistance in the Pomeranian cities as well as help during the journey. He also assigned 500 armored knights to act as guards for the bishop’s protection, and obtain the baptism of the elders tribal leaders. Primary missionary activities were directed to Pyrzyce, then the towns of Kamien, Wolin, Szczecin and once again Wolin. In the first 2 towns the Christianization went without resistance. In Kamien the task was facilitated by the intercession of Wartislaw 1's own wife and dignitaries. At Szczecin and Wolin, which were important centers of Slavic paganism, opposition to conversion was particularly strong among the pagan priests and local population. The conversion was finally accepted only after Boleslaw lowered the annual tribute imposed on the Pomeranians. Four great pagan temples were torn down and churches were built in their places. Otto's mission of 1124 ended with the erection of bishoprics in Lubusz for Western Pomerania and in Kruszwica for Eastern Pomerania (Gdansk), which was subordinated to the Archbishopric of Gniezno. In 1127 the first pagan rebellions began to take place. These were due to both the large tribute imposed by Poland as well as a plague that descended on Pomerania and which was blamed on Christianity. The rebellions were largely instigated by the old pagan priests, who had not come to terms with their new circumstances. Wartislaw 1 confronted these uprisings with some success, but was unable to prevent several insurgent raids into Polish territory. Because of this Boleslaw was preparing a massive punitive expedition that may have spoiled all the earlier accomplishments of missionary work by Bishop Otto. Thanks to Otto’s diplomacy direct confrontation was avoided and in 1128 he embarked on another mission to Pomerania. Wartislaw 1 greeted Otto at Demmin with some Polish knights. This time more stress was applied to the territories west of the Oder River, i.e. Usedom, Wolgast and Gützkow, which weren't under Polish suzerainty. The final stage of the mission returned to Szczecin, Wolin and Kamien. The Christianization of Pomerania is considered one of the greatest accomplishments of Boleslaw’s Pomeranian policy. In 1129 Boleslaw concluded with Niels, King of Denmark an alliance directed against Wartislaw 1 and the attempts of Lothair 3, King of Germany to subordinate Western Pomerania. In retaliation for the sack of Plock by Wartislaw 1 in 1128, Polish-Danish troops taken the Western Pomeranian islands of Wolin and Usedom. At end of the 1120s Boleslaw began to implement an ecclesiastical organization of Pomerania. Gdansk Pomerania was added to the Diocese of Wloclawek, known at the time as the Kujavian Diocese. A strip of borderland north of Notec was split between the Diocese of Gniezno and Diocese of Poznan. The bulk of Pomerania was however made an independent Pomeranian bishopric (whose first Bishop was one of the participants in the missionary expedition and former Polish royal chaplain, Adalbert), set up in the territory of the Duchy of Pomerania in 1140, and after Boles?aw had died in 1138 the duchy became independent from Poland. During the 1130s a project was designed by Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, under which Pomerania would be divided between two dioceses subordinated to the Archbishopric of Magdeburg. At the same, he revivied the old claims about Magdeburg's ecclesiastical sovereignty over all Poland. A first Bull was prepared already in 1131, but never entered into force. Despite adversity, Norbert continued his actions to subdue the Polish Church during 1132–1133. For the Polish bishops, a call was made in the Curia. The Polish bishops didn't appear before Pope Innocent 2, which resulted in the issuing of the Bull Sacrosancta Romana in 1133, which confirmed the sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church and the projected Pomeranian dioceses. The formal privilegium maius was the culmination of Norbert's efforts. Boleslaw, trying to save his past efforts in Pomeranian politics, opted for his submission at Merseburg in 1135. To consolidate his power over Pomerania Boleslaw conducted in 1130 an expedition to the island of Rügen. For this purpose, he concluded an alliance with the Danish duke Magnus Nilsson (his son-in-law) who provided him with a fleet in exchange for support in his efforts to obtain the Swedish throne. The fleet of Magnus transported Polish troops to the shores of the island of Rügen. However, the intended battle on the island doesn't happen, because the Rani at the sight of the Polish-Danish combined forces recognize Boleslaw 's overlordship. After the successful invasion to the Danish capital, Roskilde in 1134 Boleslaw formed an alliance with Wartislaw 1 of Pomerania against King Eric 2 of Denmark (an ally of Emperor Lothair 3). The role of the Polish prince was limited only to aid the House of Griffins, not due while the real interest in Danish affairs. The Danish, after repelling the first attack, in retaliation led an expedition who led to their expansion into the lands of Pomerania. In 1125 Henry 5, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany, died. His successor, Lothair of Supplinburg, has been embroiled in disputes over his inheritance. For the Imperial crown, he became involved in the affairs of the Papacy. In 1130 there was a double election to the Apostolic See. Lothair supported Pope Innocent 2, hoping in this way to secure his own coronation. Contrary to was expected, Lothair's Imperial coronation didn't end his disputes against the contenders for the German throne. In 1130 Boleslaw controlled the areas situated on the left bank of the Oder river on the island of Rügen. Germany also wanted to control these lands, but the internal political situation and the involvement in the civil war in Hungary, however, didn't allow an armed conflict. The Bull Sacrosancta Romana of 1133 give the Archbishopric of Magdeburg sovereign rights over the Pomeranian dioceses instituted by Boleslaw. The death of King Stephen 2 of Hungary in 1131 led the country into civil war between two claimaints to the throne: Béla the Blind (son of Álmos, Duke of Croatia) and Boris (the alleged son of King Coloman). Boris sought the help of the Polish ruler, who hoped for a closer alliance with Hungary and cooperation with the Kievan Rus' princes (Boris was a son of a daughter of Vladimir 2 Monomakh). However, Boleslaw overestimated his strength against Béla, who counted with the support of almost all his country. The Polish army faced the combined forces of Hungary, Bohemia, Austria and Germany in the Battle of the Sajó river (22 July 1132), where the coalition had a complete victory over the Polish prince, who was forced to retreat. The success in Hungary was used by the Bohemian ruler Sobeslav 1, an Imperial vassal, who during 1132–1134 repeatedly led invasions to Silesia. The issue over the property of Silesia was subjected to the decision of Lothair 3. In February 1134 Sobeslav 1 of Bohemia and dignitaries of King Béla 2 of Hungary, together with Bishop Peter of Székesfehérvár went to Altenburg, where they presented their allegations against the Polish ruler. They asked the intervention of the Holy Roman Empire (preliminary requests occurred two years earlier). Lothair 3 accepted the request, acting as an arbitrator in the dynastic disputes in Central Europe. At the same time Béla 2 and Prince Volodymyrko of Peremyshl undertook a military expedition against Poland. The combined forces occupied Lesser Poland, reaching to Wislica. Shortly after, Boleslaw received a summons to the Imperial court at Magdeburg on 26 June 1135. Playing for time, however, he only send deputies. The emperor sent another delegation and requested a personal appearance of the Polish ruler, setting a new date on 15 August 1135, this time in Merseburg. Boleslaw realized that without an agreement with Lothair 3 he couldn't maintain the control over the newly conquered lands on the west side of the Oder and the island of Rügen. Even before the Congress of Merseburg was performed, Boleslaw persuaded one of ruling princes of Western Pomerania, Ratibor 1 to make an expedition against Denmark. It was a clear expression of ostentation to Emperor Lothair 3 because the King of Denmark was a German vassal. The fleet formed by 650 boats (with 44 knights and 2 horses) attacked the rich Norwegian port city of Kungahälla (now Kungälv in Sweden). The Congress took place on 15 August 1135. During the ceremony, Emperor Lothair 3 recognized the rights of the Polish ruler over Pomerania. In retribution, Boleslaw agreed to paid homage for the Pomeranian lands and the Principality of Rügen, with the payment of 6.000 pieces of fine silver from these lands to the Holy Roman Empire; however he remained fully independent ruler of his main realm, Poland. With Boleslaw's death in 1138, Polish authority over Pomerania ended, triggering competition of the Holy Roman Empire and Denmark for the area. The conflict with Hungary also ended, with Boleslaw recognizing Béla 2's rule. The agreement was sealed with the betrothal of Boleslaw's daughter Judith with Béla 2's Géza (this marriage never took place). In case of the Bohemian-Polish dispute the Imperial mediation failed. Boleslaw argued he must be treated as a sovereign ruler, who wasn't the case of Sobeslav 1, an imperial vassal. Lothair 3, unable to come to an agreement with the Polish ruler, proposed to discuss the matter in subsequent negotiations. The Congress ended with church ceremonies, during which Boleslaw carried the imperial sword. This was an honor granted only to sovereign rulers. An indirect goal of Polish diplomacy was the successful invalidation of the Papal Bull of 1133 and the recognition of metropolitan rights of the Archbishopric of Gniezno at the Synod in Pisa in 1135. On 7 July 1136 was issued the protectionist Bull Ex commisso nobis a Deo under which Pope Innocent 2 confirmed the unquestioned sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Gniezno over the Polish dioceses. After entering in the imperial sphere of influence, Poland normalized his relations with Bohemia at the Congress of Klodzko on 30 May 1137 (the so-called Peace of Klodzko), but the details of this agreement are unknown. This treaty was confirmed in the town of Niemcza, where Wladyslaw, the eldest son of Boleslaw, stood as godfather in the baptism of Wenceslaus, Sobeslav 1's son. In the last years of his life, Boleslaw's main concern was to arranged political marriages for his children in order to strengthening his relations with neighboring countries. In 1137 Boleslaw reinforced his relations with the Kievan Rus' with the marriage of his son Boleslaw with Princess Viacheslava, daughter of Vsevolod, Prince of Pskov. In the year of his death, by contrast, finally normalized his relations with Hungary through the marriage of his son Mieszko with Princess Elizabeth, daughter of King Béla 2. Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth died on 28 October 1138, probably in the town of Sochaczew. There are no records about the circumstances of his death. 12th century sources didn't provide information about his place of burial. It was only in the 15th century, when Jan Dlugosz recorded that the Prince's tomb was in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral in Plock. However, he didn't showed from where took this information. Presumably the chronicler took this report from the lost Rocznik mazowiecki. Wawrzyniec Wszerecz, Canon of Plock during the 16th–17th century, wrote that Boleslaw was in a common coffin at the Cathedral, where the remains of his father Wladyslaw 1 Herman and several other Piast Masovian rulers were also placed.	av Polen, Boleslav (Boleslaw) "Boleslav 3" (I3681)
10666	In 1428 Bernard married Adelheid of Pomerania-Stolp (1410 – after 1445), daughter of Bogislaw 8, Duke of Pomerania. They had the following children: Sophia (1428 – 9 September 1473), married Gerhard 7, Duke of Jülich-Berg. John 5 (1439–1507).	Family: Bernard av Sachsen-Lauenburg, "Bernard 2" / Adelheid av Pommern (F4942)
10667	In 1860 census, listed as 17 year old tailoress, living in New York City in boarding house.	Wrege, Wilhelmina Maria Dorothea "Konradi" (I8775)
10668	In 1936, Fred was married to Amelia (Molly) Skrogstad Olson, the daughter of Math and Marit Skrogstad. Mollie was born September 11, 1894. She had three daughters from a former marriage - Gladys, Dolores and Marlene. Mollie was employed as a cook for the Hot Lunch Program in the Osnabrock Public School. This program started in 1951 and Mollie was the first cook. She kept this job for ten years. Fred and Mollie were members of the Dovre Lutheran Church. Molly died April 4, 1960 and Fred passed away December 17, 1967. Mr. Christensen is survived by his three step-daughters, Mrs. Soffi Johannesson of Cavalier, Mrs. John Heuchart of St. Thomas and Mrs. Glenn Pearson of Chester, Mont.	Family: Fred Olai Christenson / Amelia K. Skrogstad, "Olson" / "Christenson" (F1704)
10669	In 855 King Æthelwulf of Wessex made a pilgrimage to Rome, and on his way back in 856 he stayed at the court of the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles the Bald. In July Æthelwulf became engaged to Charles's daughter, Judith, who was no more than fourteen, while Æthelwulf was about fifty years old, and on 1 October 856 they were married at Verberie in northern France. This was a childless marriage. The marriage was a diplomatic alliance. Both men were suffering from Viking attacks, and for Æthelwulf the marriage had the advantage of associating him with Carolingian prestige. In Wessex it was not customary for kings' wives to be queens, but Charles insisted that his daughter be crowned queen. Æthelwulfs marriage provoked a rebellion by Æthelwulf's eldest surviving son, Æthelbald, probably because he feared displacement by a higher born half brother. However father and son negotiated a compromise under which Æthelwulf received the eastern districts of the kingdom and Æthelbald the western. It is not known whether this meant that Æthelwulf took Kent and Æthelbald Wessex, or whether Wessex itself was divided. Judith had no children by Æthelwulf, who died on 13 January 858. He was succeeded by Æthelbald, who married Judith, his step-mother, probably to enhance his status because she was the daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor.	Family: Ethelwulf (Aethelwulf) av Wessex / Judith av Flandern (F2515)
10670	In 884 Baldwin married Ælfthryth (Ælfthryth, Elftrude, Elfrida), a daughter of King Alfred the Great of England. The immediate goal of this Anglo-Flemish alliance was to help Baldwin control the lower Canche River valley. They had the following children: 1. Arnulf 1 of Flanders (c. 890–964), married Adela of Vermandois. 2. Adalulf (c. 890–933), Count of Boulogne. 3. Ealswid. 4. Ermentrud.	Family: Balduin (Baldwin) av Flandern, "Balduin 2" / Elftrude (Aefthryth) av Wessex (F2480)
10671	In 921, when Wenceslaus was 13, his father died and he was brought up by his grandmother, Saint Ludmila, who raised him as a Christian. A dispute between the fervently Christian regent and her daughter-in-law drove Ludmila to seek sanctuary at Tetín Castle near Beroun. Drahomíra, who was trying to garner support from the nobility, was furious about losing influence on her son and arranged to have Ludmila strangled at Tetín on September 15, 921. Wenceslaus is usually described as exceptionally pious and humble, and a very educated and intelligent young man for his time. According to some legends, having regained control of her son, Drahomíra set out to convert him to the old pagan religion. According to other legends, she was a Christian herself; however, very little is known about her rule. After the fall of Great Moravia, the rulers of the Bohemian duchy had to deal both with continuous raids by the Magyars and the forces of the Saxon duke and East Frankish king Henry the Fowler, who had started several eastern campaigns into the adjacent lands of the Polabian Slavs, homeland of Wenceslaus' mother. To withstand Saxon overlordship Wenceslaus' father Vratislaus had forged an alliance with the Bavarian duke Arnulf the Bad, then a fierce opponent of King Henry; however, it became worthless when Arnulf and Henry reconciled at Regensburg in 921. In 924 or 925 Wenceslaus assumed government for himself and had Drahomíra exiled. After gaining the throne at the age of eighteen, he defeated a rebellious duke of Kourim named Radslav. He also founded a rotunda consecrated to St Vitus at Prague Castle in Prague, which exists as present-day St Vitus Cathedral. Early in 929 the joint forces of Duke Arnulf of Bavaria and King Henry 1 the Fowler reached Prague in a sudden attack, which forced Wenceslaus to resume the payment of a tribute which had been first imposed by the East Frankish king Arnulf of Carinthia in 895. Henry had been forced to pay a huge tribute to the Magyars in 926 and he therefore needed the Bohemian tribute which Wenceslaus probably refused to pay any longer after the reconciliation between Arnulf and Henry. One of the possible reasons for Henry's attack was also the formation of the anti-Saxon alliance between Bohemia, the Polabian Slavs and the Magyars.	av Böhmen, Vaclav (Wenceslaus) "Vaclav 1" (I12077)
10672	At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld.	Living (I10217)
10673	In later Carolingian societies the act of coronation was closely tied with the marriage. It was only upon the completion of the marriage that queenhood and thus legitimacy was bestowed. When Louis married his first wife Ermengard in 794, she was crowned and called - Augusta - a title that harkens back to the Roman Augustus.	Family: Louis (Ludvig) av Franken, "Louis 1" / Irmengard (Ermengarde / Augusta) av Haspengau (F2076)
10674	At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld.	Living (I10217)
10675	In the 1930 census Hilda is living in Hennepin County with her husband Ray/Fred who is 41 years old, born in Norway and came to America in 1909. Hilda is 30 and was born in Norway and it says she came to America in 1905. They were married when he was 33 and she was 22. It appears he works for the railroad. They have a 5 year old daughter Eileen D.. Kilde: 1930 U.S. Federal Census > Minnesota > Hennepin > Minneapolis (Districts 318-328) > District 327.	Hågensen, Fred "Hagen" (I4619)
10676	In the years between the death of Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) and the reign of Hákon, Norwegian power in the Isles was negligible due to an ongoing civil war in Norway In the mid twelfth century, however, during his visit to Norway, Ragnvaldr's father appears to have become a vassal of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) Certainly the twelfth-century Norman chronicler Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186) reported a mid-century meeting between Henry 2, King of England (died 1189), William, and the Bishop of the Isles, where it was stated that the kings of the Isles were obliged to pay the kings of Norway ten marks of gold upon the latter's accession. Whilst bound to the English Crown in 1210, Ragnvaldr appears to have found himself the target of renewed Norwegian hegemony in the Isles. Specifically, the Icelandic annals reveal that a military expedition from Norway to the Isles was in preparation in 1209. The following year, the same source notes warfare in the Isles, and reveals that Iona was pillaged. These reports are corroborated by B?glunga s?gur, a thirteenth-century saga-collection that survives in 2 versions. Both versions reveal that a fleet of Norwegians plundered in the Isles, and the shorter version notes how men of the Birkibeinar and the Baglar — 2 competing sides of the Norwegian civil war — decided to recoup their financial losses with a twelve-ship raiding expedition into the Isles. The longer version states that Ragnwald (styled Konge aff Möen i Syderö) and Gudroder (styled Konge paa Manö) had not paid their taxes due to the Norwegian kings. In consequence, the source records that the Isles were ravaged until the two travelled to Norway and reconciled themselves with Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway (died 1217), whereupon the two took their lands from Ingi as a lén (or fief). The aforesaid kings of B?glunga s?gur almost most likely represent Ragnvaldr and his son, Guðrøðr Dond (died 1231). The skattr (or tax) that Ragnvaldr and his son rendered to Ingi appears to be the same tribute that Robert noted in his aforesaid account. The submission of the Islesmen appears to have been undertaken in the context of the strengthening position of the Norwegian Crown following the settlement between the Birkibeinar and Baglar, and the simultaneous weakening of the Crovan dynasty due to internal infighting. The destructive Norse activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment from Norway due to Ragnvaldr's recalcitrance in terms of, not only his Norwegian obligations, but his recent reorientation towards the English Crown. The fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered in Norway may well indicate the importance that he placed on his relations with Ragnvaldr and his contemporaries in the Isles. Ragnvaldr may have also used his journey as a means to safeguard the kingship against the claims of Óláfr. His presence there may explain his absence from Mann during the aforesaid ravaging of the island by the English. In fact, Ragnvaldr's submission to Ingi could have been contributed to the English attack, as it may have given the English an incentive to devastate Ragnvaldr's lands because he had bound himself to John only a few years previous. Although John had originally installed Hugh as Earl of Ulster, he proceeded to dismantle the lordship after Hugh gave refuge to the Briouzes. The ravaging of Mann, therefore, may have been a further demonstration of English royal power directed at a disloyal vassal. If this was indeed the case, Ragnvaldr's submission to the Norwegian Crown—although apparently undertaken to safeguard his kingdom—clearly resulted in severe repercussions. Numerous sources reveal that, in the years following the aforesaid ravaging of Mann and plundering of the Isles, Ragnvaldr bound himself closer to the English Crown. Whilst at Lambeth on 16 May 1212, for instance, during what was likely his second visit to England in six years, Ragnvaldr formally swore that he was John's liegeman. Ragnvaldr's visit to England is corroborated by a record, dated 20 May, regarding the English Crown's payment of ten marks for conducting Ragnvaldr home. Further corroboration is provided by the record, dated 16 May, concerning the release of some of Ragnvaldr's men who had been held in custody at Porchester and Dover. In another record, also dated 16 May, John authorised his seneschals, governors, and bailiffs in Ireland to come to Ragnvaldr's aid in the event that his territory was threatened by Wikini or others, since Ragnvaldr had bound himself to do the same against John's own enemies. The record of Wikini or Vikings in this order may refer to the Norwegian raiders, like those who plundered the Isles in 1210. This particular source reveals that, not only was Ragnvaldr protected by John, but that he was also obligated to defend John's interests in the Irish Sea region. Yet another transaction dated 16 May, in return for the homage and service that he rendered to the English Crown, Ragnvaldr and his heirs received a grant consisting of one knight's fee of land at Carlingford, and one hundred measures of corn to be paid yearly at Drogheda for the service of a knight. The grant gave Ragnvaldr a valuable foothold in Ireland, and provided his powerful galley-fleet with an additional safe haven. The precise location of the territory granted to Ragnvaldr is unrecorded and unknown. Carlingford had until recently been a power centre of the aforesaid Hugh, and Ragnvaldr's grant may fit into the context of filling the power vacuum following the destruction of the Lacy lordship. Ragnvaldr's gifts from the English Crown may fit into the context of John attempting to offset interference from the Philip Augustus, King of France (died 1223). At about this time, the French Crown had orchestrated a Franco-Welsh alliance in an attempt to divert the English to deal with a Welsh uprising rather than focus their forces upon the Continent and France in particular. In fact, there is evidence that Norman ships were active off Wales in 1210. Although John had come to terms with Llywelyn ap Iorwerth in 1211, the following year the latter formed a concord with Philip. By May 1212, John succeeded in gaining the support of several foreign lords, such as the counts of Bar, Boulogne, and Flanders, the dukes of Brabant and Limburg, the Holy Roman Emperor, and Ragnvaldr himself. Despite these overtures, however, the Welsh uprisings of 1211 and 1212, as well as an English revolt in 1212, all succeeded in keeping English forces from invading France. As a consequence of Ragnvaldr's vassalage to the English Crown, and his role as guardian of the English seaways, it is probable that Islesmen were involved in far fewer predatory actions along the English and Irish coasts. At about the same time, several south-western Scottish magnates received grants in the north of Ireland. These included three of Ragnvaldr's Meic Fergusa kinsmen: Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway (died 1234), Alan's brother Thomas fitz Roland, Earl of Atholl (died 1231), and Donnchad. Such grants appear to have been part of a coordinated campaign of the English and Scottish kings to gain authority over outlying territories where royal influence was limited. A record dated 3 January 1214 appears to confirm the English Crown's intentions of protecting the Islesmen, as it prohibits certain mariners of Ireland from entering Ragnvaldr's territories at his loss. The English pledges of protection of Ragnvaldr and his Irish holdings suggest that he was under immediate pressure at this period. It is possible, therefore, that the 1211-1212 seaborne devastation of Derry by Thomas fitz Roland, and the unnamed sons of Ragnall—apparently Ruaidrí (died 1247?) and Domnall—was undertaken in support of Ragnvaldr's interests in Ireland. In fact, Thomas fitz Roland and Ruaidrí ransacked Derry again in 1213-1214, and it is also possible that the raids were conducted in the interests of both the Scottish and English Crowns, and specifically aimed at limiting Irish support of the Meic Uilleim dissidents. If these attacks were indeed directed against political enemies of the Scottish and English Crowns, it is not improbable that Ragnvaldr and his forces were also involved. John died in October 1216, and was succeeded by his young son, Henry 3. The English summons of Ragnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, in which he was ordered to amend certain excesses committed upon Henry 3's men in Ireland and England, could be evidence that Islesmen took advantage of the somewhat fractured English realm by plundering the coasts of England and Ireland. If this was indeed the case, there is no further evidence of any such depredations. Later in May, the English Crown commanded that Ragnvaldr was to be given safe passage to England in order account for the aforesaid misconduct of his men. Whether Ragnvaldr actually travelled there that year is unknown, although various records reveal that he certainly did so the following year. For example, he was granted safe passage by the English Crown on 24 September 1219. Evidence of Ragnvaldr's activity in England survives in references of homage rendered to Henry 3. One such record shows that, in late September, Ragnvaldr rendered homage to Henry 3, and received the same fief that John had given him. In another record of his homage the English Crown added the qualification: But if our enemies, or his, shall rebel against us, and him, to the loss of our or his land, then you are to be earnest in your help, for the defence of our land and of his, to our safety and convenience, so long as he shall keep himself faithful towards us. Therefore, whatever excesses Ragnvaldr's men had committed in the past, the surviving evidence reveals that by 1219 he was again amicably allied to the English king. In the autumn of 1219, whilst in London at the Temple Church, Ragnvaldr surrendered Mann to the papacy, swore to perform homage for the island, and promised to pay 12 marks sterling in perpetuity as tribute. Ragnvaldr's submission was accepted, on behalf of Pope Honorius 3 (died 1227), by the papal legate to England, Pandulf, Bishop-elect of Norwich (died 1226). Such a submission was not unprecedented at the time. For example, John had surrendered his kingdom to the papacy through Pandulf about six years beforehand, whilst facing not only a major crisis from within his own realm, but an imminent invasion by Louis 8, King of France (died 1226) from without. The precise impetus behind Ragnvaldr's submission is uncertain, although it may well have been related to the threat of ever-strengthening Norwegian kingship. Certainly Hákon had only acceded to the Norwegian kingship two years previously, and by the early part of his reign the civil warring within his realm began to wane. In his submission, Ragnvaldr stated that the kingdom was his by hereditary right, and that he held it without any obligation to anyone. This contradicts the aforesaid statement by B?glunga s?gur, which declare that he and his son swore loyalty to Hákon and took his kingdom in fief of the latter. The submission, therefore, may have been a means by which Ragnvaldr attempted to release himself from Norwegian overlordship. Furthermore, a royal order addressed to Henry 3's administrators in Ireland, dated 4 November 1220, commanded Henry 3's men to render military aid to Ragnvaldr, since the latter had provided evidence that Hákon was plotting to invade his island-kingdom. Not long after this enlistment of English support, the Annals of Loch Cé and the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters report the death of Diarmait Ua Conchobair at the hands of Thomas fitz Roland in 1221. These sources state that Diarmait was in the process of assembling a fleet in the Isles to reclaim the kingship of Connacht. There is a possibility, however, that his actions in the Isles were connected to the aforesaid Norwegian threat feared by Ragnvaldr. In fact, Diarmait's kinsman, Áed na nGall Ua Conchobair (died 1274), appears to have attempted the procurement of Hákon's assistance at a later date. Ragnvaldr's papal submission may have also been linked to his feud with Óláfr. For example, in the last hours of his life, John appealed to Pope Innocent 3 (died 1216) to ensure the succession of his young son, Henry 3. Although the chronology of Ragnvaldr and Óláfr's feud is not entirely clear, the hostilities which entangled Ragnvaldr's son broke out in the 1220s. Ragnvaldr, therefore, may have intended to secure, not only his own kingship, but also the future succession of his son. Whatever the case, it is unknown how well Ragnvaldr kept his obligations to the papacy. The limited surviving evidence of communications between Mann and Rome appear to show that his commitments were not taken up by his successors. Nevertheless, centuries after his death, Ragnvaldr's deal with the papacy was commemorated by a fresco in the Vatican Archives. Upon Óláfr's return from his pilgrimage, the Chronicle of Mann records that Ragnvaldr had him marry Lauon, the sister of his own wife. Ragnvaldr then granted Lewis and Harris back to Óláfr, where the newly-weds proceeded to live until the arrival of Reginaldus, Bishop of the Isles (died c. 1226). The chronicle claims that the bishop disapproved of the marriage on the grounds that Óláfr had formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon. A synod was then assembled, after which the marriage is stated to have been nullified. Although the chronicle alleges that Óláfr's marriage was doomed for being within a prohibited degree of kinship, there is evidence to suggest that the real reason for its demise was the animosity between the half-brothers. For example, Reginaldus and Óláfr appear to have been closely associated, as the chronicle notes that, not only was Reginaldus was a son of Óláfr's sister, but that Óláfr had warmly greeted Reginaldus when the latter arrived on Lewis and Harris. Furthermore, it was Reginaldus who had instigated the annulment. In fact, after the previous Bishop of the Isles died in 1217, Reginaldus and Nicholas de Meaux, Abbot of Furness (died 1217) had vied for the office of bishop. Whilst Reginaldus appears to have enjoyed the support of Óláfr, Ragnvaldr appears to have supported the bid of Reginaldus' rival, Nicholas. The precise identity of the half-brothers' shared father-in-law is uncertain. The chronicle describes him as a nobleman from Kintyre, which suggests that he was a member of the Meic Somairle, since sources concerning this kindred link them with Kintyre more than any other region. The father-in-law, therefore, may well have been Ragnvaldr's aforesaid first cousin Ragnall, or Ragnall's son Ruaidrí — both of whom appear to have been styled Lord of Kintyre in contemporary sources — or possibly Ragnall's younger son, Domnall. It is conceivable that the first union was undertaken before 1210,[289] perhaps not long after 1200 considering the age of Guðrøðr Dond, Ragnvaldr's aforesaid son. The unions themselves appear to have been orchestrated in an effort to patch up relations between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty, neighbouring kindreds who had bitterly contested the kingship of the Isles for about sixty years. In fact, it is possible that Ragnvaldr's kingship was formally recognised by Ruaidrí, the apparent leading Meic Somairle dynast since Áengus' death in 1210, who thereby established himself as a leading magnate within a reunified Kingdom of the Isles. Since the majority of Ruaidrí's territories appear to have been mainland possessions, it is very likely that the Scottish Crown regarded this reunification as a threat to its own claims of overlordship of Argyll. In fact, it is possible that the Scots' aforesaid release of Óláfr in 1214 was intended to cause dynastic discord in the Isles. If that was indeed the case, then the Scottish Crown's machinations had temporarily come to nought because of Óláfr's reconciliation and arraigned marriage. Once freed from his arranged marriage, the Chronicle of Mann states that Óláfr proceeded to marry Cristina, daughter of Ferchar, Earl of Ross (died c. 1251). The latter emerges from historical obscurity in 1215; and by the mid 1220s, about the time of the Cristina and Óláfr's marriage, Ferchar was rewarded with the Earldom of Ross for remarkable services to the Scottish Crown. As for Óláfr, control of the Skye and Lewis and Harris island groups—archipelagos that bordered the expansive territory of the Meic Somairle—could well have made himself a valuable potential ally of the Scottish Crown. In fact, the collapse of Óláfr's previous Meic Somairle marriage took place at about the time that Ruaidrí was seemingly ejected from Kintyre by the forces of Alexander 2, King of Scotland (died 1249) in 1221–1222. Óláfr's subsequent realignment with Ferchar—Alexander's protégé—not only appears to evince Óláfr's recognition of the shift of power in north-western Scotland,[296] but may also signal Ragnvaldr's loss of support from the Scottish Crown. If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's separation from Lauon enraged her sister, who surreptitiously tricked her son, Guðrøðr Dond, into attacking Óláfr. Following what he thought were his father's orders, Guðrøðr Dond gathered a force on Skye and proceeded to Lewis and Harris, where the chronicle records that he laid waste to most of the island. Óláfr is said to have only narrowly escaped with a few men, and to have fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland in Ross. Óláfr is stated to have been followed into exile by Páll Bálkason (died 1231), a sheriff on Skye who refused to take up arms against Óláfr. The chronicle then indicates that the two landed on Skye, and learned where Guðrøðr Dond was stationed, and defeated him in battle. The latter's captured followers were put to death, whilst Guðrøðr Dond himself was blinded and castrated. Although the chronicle maintains that Óláfr was unable to prevent this torture, the Icelandic annals record that Óláfr was indeed responsible for his nephew's plight. The vicious mutilation and killing of high status kinsmen during power-struggles was not an unknown phenomenon in the peripheral-regions of the British Isles during the High Middle Ages. In fact, in only the century-and-a-half of its existence, at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination. In fact, Guðrøðr Dond's plight may well have been used as a means to reveal that Óláfr intended to wrest his perceived birthright from Ragnvaldr's bloodline. It is unknown why Ragnvaldr had not neutralised Óláfr the same way when he had the chance years before in 1208, although it may have had something to do with international relations. For example, it is possible that his act of showing leniency to Óláfr had garnered Scottish support against the aforesaid threat of Norwegian overlordship.[290] Whatever the case, the neutralisation of Guðrøðr Dond appears to mark a turning point in the struggle between the Óláfr and Ragnvaldr. Roughly about this point in time, correspondence between Joan, Queen of Scotland (died 1238) and her brother, Henry 3, reveals that the Norwegian Crown was rumoured to have been planning a naval expedition west over sea. Although Joan's letter places this campaign in the context of a threat to English interests in Ireland, it may be more likely that Hákon's attention was focused upon the escalating situation in the Isles. One possibility is that the queen's correspondence is evidence that Óláfr had appealed to Hákon for supported against Ragnvaldr. The aforesaid kin-strife largely took place on Skye and Lewis and Harris, islands that were clearly important within the kingdom. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that the kingdom's northern territories were granted by reigning kings to their heir-apparent. For example, during the eleventh-century reign of the dynasty's founder, Guðrøðr Crovan, the northern portion of his realm may have been governed by his son, L?gmaðr. Ragnvaldr's grant of Lewis and Harris to Óláfr, therefore, may indicate that Óláfr was then regarded as Ragnvaldr's rightful successor. Furthermore, the fact that Ragnvaldr was residing in the Hebrides when his father died in 1187 may indicate that, despite the chronicle's claims to the contrary, Ragnvaldr was indeed the rightful heir to the kingship. Additionally, since Ragnvaldr's son is recorded on Skye, the possibility exists that he resided there as heir-apparent. This could indicate that portions of the Hebrides were allotted to members of the dynasty who were passed-over for the kingship. In any event, it is apparent that such territorial fragmentation would have severely weakened the realm. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Ragnvaldr's realm was the far-flung Diocese of the Isles. Like the Kingdom of the Isles itself, the origins of the diocese may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium. In the mid twelfth century, during the reign of Ragnvaldr's father, the diocese came to be incorporated into the newly established Norwegian Archdiocese of Niðaróss. In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles. Before the close of the twelfth century, however, evidence of a new ecclesiastical jurisdiction—the Diocese of Argyll—begins to emerge during ongoing contentions between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty. In the early 1190s, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Cristinus, Bishop of the Isles, an Argyllman who was probably a Meic Somairle candidate, was deposed and replaced by Michael (died 1203), a Manxman who appears to have been backed by Ragnvaldr. The tenure of Cristinus seems to have spanned at least two decades during a sustained period of Meic Somairle power in the Isles. His downfall, however, came about at the time of the Crovan dynasty's resurgence under the then-recently enthroned Ragnvaldr. After Michael's death in 1203, a certain Koli is recorded to have been consecrated in 1210. The situation between this span of years is uncertain. On one hand, it is possible that the see was vacant between these years. On the other hand, Koli could have been elected bishop in 1203, but only consecrated in 1210. Another possibility is that the see was administered from Lismore—the future seat of the Diocese of Argyll—under the ultimate authority of Áengus, the aforementioned Meic Somairle dynast slain in 1210. There is also a possibility that Koli's consecration was connected to the aforesaid attack on Iona in 1209-1210. Not only does the Norwegian expedition appear to have compelled Ragnvaldr and his son to submit to the Norwegian Crown in 1210, but it also made landfall in Orkney, and brought back to Norway the joint Orcadian earls and their bishop. The entire undertaking, therefore, may have been designed to reassert Norwegian overlordship over both secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Norwegian satellites overseas. If correct, the voyage would seem to have been orchestrated by both Ingi and his chief prelate, Þórir Guðmundarson, Archbishop of Niðaróss (died 1214). Although the Meic Somairle controversially refounded Iona at the turn of the century, and further secured its independence from the Diocese of the Isles by placing it under the protection of the papacy, the Norwegian sack of the island may not have been a sanctioned act One possibility is that a visit to the island by the Norwegian delegation disastrously deteriorated into otherwise unplanned violence. The next bishop after Koli was the aforesaid Reginaldus. Although Reginaldus' aforesaid rival for the episcopate, Nicholas, is recorded to have gained the support of the communities of Furness and Rushen, he does not appear to have ever occupied the see. In fact, Nicholas appears to have spent much of his time in Rome, since correspondence from the papacy to Walter de Gray, Archbishop of York (died 1255), concerning Nicholas' final resignation, states that the latter had long been exiled from his see because the lord of the land and others were altogether opposed to him. As early as November 1219, papal correspondence reveals that the pope had urged the leading men of the Isles to accept Nicholas' episcopacy. Ragnvaldr's remarkably warm relations with the papacy, and his deteriorating relationship with Óláfr, could be evidence that the papal correspondence in support of Nicholas was directed at Óláfr instead of Ragnvaldr. Further indication of Ragnvaldr's support of Nicholas may be his renewal of the rights of Furness Abbey to elect the Bishop of the Isles. The English Crown's aforesaid warning to Óláfr about harming the monks of Furness could betray some sort of grievance with the community, whilst Ragnvaldr's burial at Furness appears show evidence his own affinity with the community. The controversy over the appointment of bishops, therefore, appears to have been yet another aspect of ongoing kin-strife within the Crovan dynasty. In fact, the final resignation of Nicholas in 1224 corresponds to the realignment of the kingdom between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr, and the whole dispute coincides with the Óláfr's gradual successes against Ragnvaldr. Whatever the case, Reginaldus' successor was a man named John who apparently died in an accident not long afterwards. The next bishop was Simon (died 1248), a man consecrated in 1226 by the Archbishop of Niðaróss, and whose tenure outlived both Ragnvaldr and Óláfr. In 1224, the year following the aforesaid defeat of Ragnvaldr's son, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr took hostages from the leading men of the Hebridean portion of the realm, and with a fleet of 32 ships, landed on Mann at Ronaldsway, where he confronted Ragnvaldr directly. It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the 2; with Ragnvaldr keeping Mann itself along with the title of king, and Óláfr retaining the Hebridean portion. With Óláfr's rise at Ragnvaldr expense, the latter turned to Alan, one of Scotland's most powerful magnates. Alan and Ragnvaldr were certainly closely connected. Both were great-grandsons of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161);[348]both had received Ulster lands from the English at about the same time; and it is possible that connections between the Isles and Galloway had led to Ragnvaldr's aforesaid involvement with the Scottish Crown in Caithness. Whatever the case, in a letter from Alan to Henry 3, dated the year of the partitioning between the half-brothers, Alan mentioned that he was preoccupied with his army and fleet, travelling from island to island. This statement may well evince the beginning of the joint military operations, conducted by Alan and Ragnvaldr against Óláfr, assigned by the chronicle to the following year. According to the latter source, however, the campaigning came to nought because the Manx were unwilling to battle against Óláfr and the Hebrideans. According to the thirteenth-century Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar, 1224 was also the year in which Hákon was visited by Gillikristr, Óttar Snækollsson, and many Islesmen, who presented the king with letters concerning certain needs of their lands. If these so-called needs refer to the bitter conflict between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr, it is possible that the visiting men were representatives of either man, or perhaps neutral chieftains caught in the middle. Another factor may have been fears of Scottish aggression, in the aftermath of the aforesaid invasion of Kintyre, that unnerved the Islesmen. Further attempts to quell the infighting by way of the Norwegian Crown may have been undertaken in 1226, when the aforesaid Simon was consecrated in Norway. A short time later, perhaps in about 1225 or 1226, the chronicle reveals that Ragnvaldr oversaw the marriage of a daughter of his to Alan's young illegitimate son, Thomas (died 1296-). Unfortunately for Ragnvaldr, this marital alliance appears to have cost him the kingship, since the chronicle records that the Manxmen had him removed from power and replaced with Óláfr. The recorded resentment of the union could indicate that Alan's son was intended to eventually succeed Ragnvaldr, who was perhaps about sixty years-old at the time, and whose grandchildren were still very young. In fact, it is possible that, in light of Ragnvaldr's advanced age and his son's mutilation, a significant number of the Islesmen regarded Óláfr as the rightful heir. Such a view could well account for the lack of enthusiasm the Manxmen had for Alan and Ragnvaldr's campaign into the Hebrides. Since Thomas was likely little more than a teenager at the time probably meant that it was obvious to observers that Alan was the one who would hold the real power in the kingdom. From the perspective of the Scottish Crown, it is conceivable that Alan's ambitions in the Isles were encouraged since the prospect of his son on the throne had the potential to further extend and strengthen Scottish royal authority along the western seaboard, and bring stability to the war-torn region. As for Alan—a man who faced the probability that Galloway would be partitioned between his legitimate daughters on his eventual death—the marital alliance may have been conducted as a means to ensure a power base for Thomas, whose illegitimacy threatened to exclude him from inheriting his father's domain under the feudal laws of the English and Scottish realms. At this low point of his career, the deposed Ragnvaldr appears to have gone into exile at Alan's court in Galloway. In 1228, whilst Óláfr and his chieftains were absent in Hebrides, the chronicle records of an invasion of Mann by Ragnvaldr, Alan, and Thomas fitz Roland. The attack appears to have resulted in the complete devastation of the southern half of the island, since the chronicle declares that it was almost reduced to a desert. The chronicle's report that Alan installed bailiffs on Mann, with instructions to collect tribute from the island and send it back to Galloway, may reveal the price Ragnvaldr had to pay for Alan's support in the affair. In fact, Ragnvaldr's role in the takeover is unrecorded. Suffering serious setbacks at the hands of his enemies, Óláfr reached out for English assistance against his half-brother, as evidenced from the aforesaid correspondence dating to the same year, between Henry 3 and Óláfr, in which the latter alluded to aggression dealt from Alan. Eventually, after Alan vacated Mann for home, Óláfr and his forces reappeared on the island, and routed the remaining Gallovidians; and thus, the chronicle declares, peace was restored to Mann. In the same year, English records reveal that Henry 3 attempted to broker a peace between the half-brothers, and gave Óláfr safe passage to England. This correspondence may have led to Óláfr's temporary absence from Mann that year. It could also roughly mark the point when Ragnvaldr finally lost English support. Although the English Crown technically recognised Óláfr's kingship in correspondence sent to him the year before, the aggressive tone directed at him suggests that the preferred dynast may well have Ragnvaldr at that point in time. In what was likely early January 1229, the chronicle records that Ragnvaldr caught the forces of Óláfr unaware, as Ragnvaldr sailed from Galloway with five ships, and launched a nocturnal raid upon the harbour at St Patrick's Isle, near what is today the town of Peel. During this daring assault, the chronicle records that Ragnvaldr had all of the ships of Óláfr and his chieftains destroyed. Although the chronicle's description of the attack alludes to Gallovidian involvement, as it states that the expedition originated from Galloway, the fact that Ragnvaldr commanded only five ships suggests that this support may have been waning. This does not necessary indicate that Alan abandoned Ragnvaldr's cause, however, as Alan may well have been engaged in campaigning against the ongoing Meic Uilleim insurrection against the Scottish Crown. Even if this was the case, Ragnvaldr may have also considered Alan's involvement a detriment at this stage. Ragnvaldr followed up on his assault by establishing himself in the southern part of Mann, as the chronicle records that he won over the support of the southerners. Meanwhile, Óláfr is stated to have assembled his forces in the north of Mann, indicating that the island was divided between the two men for much of January and February, before what would be their final confrontation. According to the chronicle, Ragnvaldr and Óláfr led their armies to Tynwald. The derivation of this place name—from the Old Norse elements þing (assembly) and vallr (field, meadow) —reveals that it was an assembly site, which in turn suggests that negotiations may have been intended. On 14 February, the festival of St Valentine, the chronicle records that Óláfr's forces launched an attack upon Ragnvaldr at Tynwald, where Ragnvaldr's troops were routed and he himself was slain. Ragnvaldr's fall is laconically corroborated by the Icelandic annals. Other sources appear to suggest that his death was due to treachery. The fourteenth-century Chronicle of Lanercost, for example, states that Ragnvaldr fell a victim to the arms of the wicked; whilst the Chronicle of Mann states that, although Óláfr grieved at his half-brother's death, he never exacted vengeance upon his killers. The chronicle states that the monks of Rushen took Ragnvaldr's body to St Mary's Abbey, Furness, where he was buried in a place that he had chosen beforehand. A particular sandstone effigy of an armed, mail-clad warrior, found in the north aisle of the abbey, has been associated with Ragnvaldr since the first half of the nineteenth century. Such an association, however, is dubious at best.	Gudrødsen, Ragnvaldr "Reginald 3" (I15722)
10677	Inderst Hans Hansen Vorkindlien.	Hansen Lindsøe, Hans "Vorkindlien" (I10488)
10678	Inderst Sigurd Sigurdsen Rua død i alder av 77 år. Oppholdssted nevnt som Gransherred.	Sigurdsen Waale, Sigurd "Hvaale" / "Vaale" / "Hovde" (I2839)
10679	Inderstfolk p? Br?k en kort stund.	Joensdatter Solem, Berit "Bræk" (I13108)
10680	Indført med no i Oslo kirkebog. Jordfæstelse ved Oslo sogneprest, af hvem dødsfallet anmeldt til Levanger sognepr.	Hjorth, Otto Christian (I995)
10681	Indre Aspenes. Foreldre var Laurits Bernhard Larsen og Amanda Olufine Johanna Jobara Aronsdatter.	Larsen, Leikny Marie Henriette "Hanssen" (I13173)
10682	Indst Peder Larsen Lillebudal 69 aar.	Larsen Lillebudal, Peder "Budalsplass" (I1520)
10683	Industrihistoria - Sågarna: Marieberg växte fram på mark som hörde till Köja by. När Köja kartlades för laga skifte 1853 var området helt obebyggt. Där fanns en del ängsmark i en flack dalgång, som då kallades Kvirdalen. Folk inom trävaruhanteringen hade redan fått upp ögonen för områdets strategiska läge, vid älven i det nedre delen av Ådalen. Mariebergs såg byggdes 1862 av John Berger. Den nybyggda sågen hade två dubbla och två enkla ramar och var för sin tid ovanligt stor. Sågverket fick sitt namn efter Bergershustru och dotter som båda hette Marie. Kungsgårdens ångsåg uppfördes 1857 av en bror till John Berger, konsul Ernst L Berger. Efter Ernst Bergers bortgång 1868 var det ett flertal ägare av sågen, men 1886 bildades Kungsgården-Mariebergs AB. Ägarna var då grosshandlare Johan Edvard Franke tillsammans med grosshandlare Aug. Walley. Kungsgårdens såg utarrenderades senare till AB Box som tillverkade lådämnen för export. Sågen brann 1890 och verksamheten flyttades då över till Mariebergs såg. Köja såg (Nyvik) som låg 3 km längre in i Köjaviken, drevs mellan åren 1865 - 1940. Sågen hade många olika ägare under åren. Grundaren Scherman skaffade startkapital från Tyskland en trävaruhandlare i Hamburg, Ferdinand Guntrum. Scherman och Guntrum blev med tiden ovänner och träffades i tingssalen i Sollefteå. I sin ilska hade Scherman med sig en revolver som han riktade mot Guntrum och tryckte av, lyckligtvis klickade skottet. Vid avväpnandet gick skott nummer två av och skadesköt Bagge i armen, han var då anställd vid Köja såg. Scherman blev dömd till fem års straffarbete. Den sista ägaren av Köja såg var Holmens Bruks&Fabriks AB. Kilde: http://www.marieberg.org/index.php/industrihistoria	Hellström, Ivar Constantin (I169)
10684	Indvortes sygdom er oppgitt som dødsårsak. Død hjemme i Sandgaten.	Lorentzen, John Andreas (I7689)
10685	Indvortes sygdom er oppgitt som dødsårsak. Død hjemme i Sandgaten.	Lorentzen, Oluf Martin (I7690)
10686	Infant son of Albert and Susan Ann (Tucker) Wrege.	Wrege, Douglas Henry (I10012)
10687	At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld.	Living (I6062)
10688	At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld.	Living (I6063)
10689	Informasjonen om at Olav Holch er sønn av Jon Alvsen Kamp og Cecilia Holch er usikker. Han ble født circa 1475 i Onsøy, Østfold. Kan være sønn av Bent Ambesen og Anbjørg Torlaksdatter. Er med stor sandsynlighed identisk med Oluf Bentssøn, som benævnes rådmand sst. i 1525 (DN IX 542) og borgmester sst. 1533-1539 (DN I 1082, DN XI 629, DN XII 585, DN II 1130). En Oluf Bentssøn er desuden nævnt som rådmand sst. flere gange i årene 1544-1558. Vær dog opmærksom på, at der samtidig findes en Bernt Hanssøn, nævnt som rådmand i Tønsberg 22 Apr 1510 (DN XI 288, DN XI 290) og 11 Okt 1524 (DN III 1096). Kilde: http://www.alf-inge.com	Jonsen Holck, Oluf (I2150)
10690	Inga Bjørnson var pioneren i norsk barneteater og drev et utstrakt sosialt arbeid for barn, eldre og fattige i Oslo. Inga Bjørnson vokste opp på Bankplassen, rett overfor Christiania Theater, og fikk tidlig kjennskap til teater og skuespillere. Hun prøvde seg som skuespiller for sin fetter Bjørn Bjørnson og for Hans Wiers-Jenssen, men uten særlig hell. Hun leste så med Harald Stormoen, noe som resulterte i ekteskap og barn, men ingen ansettelse. En tid arbeidet hun som frilans journalist, og var også redaksjonssekretær i bladet Hver 8de dag. Begeistringen for Oskar Braaten og lysten til å lære hans mennesker nærmere å kjenne fikk henne til å leie et værelse i Smalgangen på Grønland, hvor hun hadde tenkt å bo døgnet rundt, men måtte gi opp tanken da datteren Guri fikk lus. Men nærheten og kjennskapet til menneskene der førte til et arbeid hun ivret for hele livet, og som hun selv karakteriserte med dets motto: Ut i solen! I 1910 begynte hun å arrangere dagsturer for eldre og fattige ut av byen. Målet for utfluktene var eiendommen Solstua i Asker, som hun fikk disponere av eierne, kunstnerekteparet Otto og Tilla Valstad. Der ble gjestene møtt av festlig dekkede bord og servert de lekreste retter før de fikk kaffe ute i den blomstrende hagen. Så startet hun opp sommerturer for barn. Den første turen gikk til Frognerseteren med 159 barn. Senere gikk det slag i slag, med turer til Bygdøy og Dronningen. Det var gjennom dette arbeidet, som hun drev i 35 år, at hun fikk kjælenavnet - Inga Utflukt. Hun ivret også for opprettelse av feriekolonier som kunne tilby barn fra storbygatene et sommeropphold på landet. I 1920 startet hun Inga Bjørnsons barneteater, det første teater i Skandinavia der barn spilte for barn. Barneteateret hadde et stort ensemble, og mange av våre senere kjente skuespillere trådte sine barnesko der, som f.eks. brødrene Iver, Henki og Lasse Kolstad, Randi og Harald Heide-Steen, Kari Diesen, Guri Stormoen, Annelise Tangstad, Lars Nordrum og Per Christensen. Teateret hadde eget orkester med kapellmestrene Kristian Hauger, Bjarne Amdahl og Gunnar Jensen. Barneorkesteret ble meget populært og fikk engasjement både på Casino og hos Ernst Rolf. Brødrene Rolf og Kjell Bækkelund ble oppdaget av Inga Bjørnson og introdusert som - Vidunderbarna Rolf og Kjell. De første årene drev Inga Bjørnson også egen ballett og plastikkskole ved Barneteateret, med regelmessige timer ledet av dyktige instruktører som Per Aabel, Bergliot Vedène, Gudrun Clausen, Solveig Engelsgaard, Elsa Ramberg og Finn Mehlum. Balletten var en viktig del av barneteateret, og hun satte bl.a. opp forestillingen Prinsessen på erten som pantomime. Barneteateret hadde et bredt repertoar. Åpningsforestillingen var Margrethe Munthes Askepott. Senere fulgte flere eventyrdramatiseringer av Margrethe Munthe (Ingrids jule-eventyr og Prinsessen og det halve kongeriket); H.C. Andersen ble representert med Svinedrengen, Snedronningen og Fyrtøyet, og Per Kvist dramatiserte Hans og Grete og Tyrihans. Det ble også oppført spennende dramatiseringer av Den siste mohikaner og Robinson Crusoe. C.P. Riis' Til sæters, det mest spilte stykke på norske scener, ble også satt opp på Inga Bjørnsons barneteater. Hvis stykkene var korte, vartet barna opp med en kabaret, hvor kjente revyartister deltok. Bokken Lasson, Einar Rose, Lalla Carlsen og Ernst Diesen var blant de mange som la repertoaret opp til å more både barn og voksne. Inga Bjørnsons barneteater disponerte aldri et eget, fast teaterlokale. Åpningsforestillingen fant sted i den store Cirkusbygningen i Vika; senere gav teateret forestillinger på Centralteatret, Det Nye Teater, Bøndenes Hus og ikke minst på turneer. Under en turné til Stockholm fikk Inga Bjørnson Stockholms-Tidningens ærespris. Inga Bjørnson ønsket seg et Barnas Hus i Oslo, med teatersal for barneteateret og for visning av gode barnefilmer, et hus med plass for barneorkester, barnesang og fest, med bibliotek og gymnastikksal, lekesal for de minste og verksteder for gutter og jenter, alt under kyndig veiledning og tilsyn. Et sted hvor foreldre trygt kunne sende sine barn og hvor barna ville føle at dette var deres hus. Ideen ble realisert, om enn i mindre målestokk enn hun hadde tenkt seg, i 1952, samme år som Inga Bjørnson døde, 81 år gammel. Verker: Dundor-Heikka og flere lappers historier fortalt av dem selv, 1916 Våre barnesanger. 12 sanger i tekst, musikk og billeder, 1926 30 år med barneteatret, 1950 Ut i solen med Inga Bjørnson, 1951	Bjørnson, Inga (I24644)
10691	Inga er nevnt ca.1548 i en slektstavle som datter av Svale Jonsson. Inga Svalesdatter Smør, hvis etterslekt forøvrig er utelatt på stamtavlen da den var utdød da arvetvistene begynte, var gift med Hr. Guttorm Eyvindssøn. Kilder: NST 36 (1997), s.93 og skematisk i NST 2 (1930), s.157. Tore H. Vigerust, s. 6-43. Anders Bjønnes, s. 44-60. Tor Weidling, s. 61-88. Lars Løberg, s. 89-98. Alan Hutchinson, s. 101-110. Per Swensen, s. 111. Norsk Slektshistorisk Tidsskrift II (1929-30), s.161.	Family: Guttorm Eivindsen til Hananger / Inga Svalesdatter Smør (F2973)
10692	Inga fra Varteig var elskerinne eller frille til kong Håkon Sverresson av Norge, fødte sønnen Håkon Håkonsson utenfor ekteskap, og bar senere jernbyrd for å bevise sannheten om sønnens kongsarv. Hun har spilt en betydelig rolle i Norges historie. Hun omtales i historisk litteratur som Inga fra Varteig uten at det er kildebelegg for at det var der hun kom fra. Sagaen sier bare at Håkon Sverreson kom i kontakt med henne i Borg (dagens Sarpsborg). Sagaen sier også uttrykkelig at hun hadde slekt fra Varteig i nærheten av Sarpsborg. Trolig hørte hun til en bondeslekt herfra. Det lille vi vet om Inga er fra Håkon Håkonssons saga, en kongesaga som er blitt skrevet i nær kontakt med, og under kontroll av, Håkons sønn Magnus Lagabøter. Det er påfallende at svært lite sies om Ingas familie, altså Håkons morsfamilie. En hypotese går ut på at hun var av baglerslekt, og at dette bevisst er underkommunisert i sagaen. Etter sigende var Inga meget vakker. Under et opphold hos sin frende Audun, en av de gjeveste mennene i Borg (Sarpsborg), ble hun kjent med Håkon Sverresson. Bekjentskapet ble intimt og hun ble senere gravid med et barn som ble konge, Håkon Håkonsson. Ifølge Håkon Håkonssons saga bodde Inga i kong Håkons hus, kongen delte seng med henne; Håkon Galen og flere av kongens betrodde menn visste om det. Kanskje så hun sin framtidige elsker første gang da han skulle hylles på Borgartinget i 1202. Ebbe Hertzberg skrev først på 1900-tallet en artikkel i Historisk Tidsskrift: Inga fra Varteig og hendes ættlegg. Der heter det blant annet: Hendes alder ved sammentræffet med Haakon i 1203 kan maaske helst sættes til omkring 18 aar, saaledes at hun har været født omtrent 1185. Desto mindre har hun formaaet at ane, at hun ved at inlade sig paa et saadant eventyr gjorde sin livsskjæbne til en af de mest bevægede og romantiske i hele den norske sagatid. Forholdet mellom hende og kongen blev snart aabenbart for hans omgivelser og har selvfølgelig heller ikke længe kunnet holdes skjult for Audun i Borg eller Ingas øvrige slægt. Efter kongens afreise har hun derfor visselig gjennomgaaet onde dage, og verre maa det være blevet, da det, formentlig henimod juletider, ligesaalidt kunde blive en hemmelighed, at hendes forbindelse med den forhadte Sverre-ætt ikke vilde blive uden frugt. Ikke lenge efter maa det dessuden være rygtedes, at hendes ufødte barns far, den unge konge, allerede var død ottende dag jul (1ste januar 1204), en efterretning, som vel til at begynde med har været nær ved at knuse den ulykkelige. Hendes nærmeste har da nu ogsaa ganske slaaet haanden af hende og nødt hende til i sine fortvivlede omstændigheder at søge tilflukt hos fremmede. At Inga valgte at ty til det et par mil længere oppe ved Glommen liggende herred Eidsberg, eller som det den gang hed Heggen, har øiensynlig havt sin bestemte, i sagaen ligeledes kun antydningsvis berørte grund. Paa gaarden Huseby i Heggen boede nemlig den eneste bonde paa lang leid, der var bekjendt for at være en ven af kong Sverres ætt. Erlend af Husebø roste sig af at nedstamme fra hin Guthorm Graabarde, som var far til den af Harald Gilles friller, der blev mor til Sverres paastaaede far, kong Sigurd Mund. Langt ude, men i hine tider nær nok at regnes med, ansaa Erlend sig derfor i slægt med denne gren af kongeætten. Maaske har Inga under kong Haakons ophold i Borg ogsaa havt anledning til ved hirden at se Erlend paa skyldig hilsebesøk hos kongen. I hvert fald maa det have været haabet om hans hjælp, som har bragt hende op i hans nærhed. Heller ikke han har imidlertid fundet det trygt at optage hende i sit hus. Dertil var vel hans Birkebeiner-sympathier for velkjende. Mindre opsigt og mistanke vilde det derimot vække, om hun kunde faa ophold hos hans ven og nabo, præsten Thrond paa Folkensborg, der rigtignok likeledes stod paa Birkebeinernes side, men formodentlig som præst i Bagler-bispen Nikolas´stift, har været forsigtig nok til ikke at lade dette blive videre bekjendt. Det maa desuden erindres, at de allerflæste norske landspræster endnu paa denne tid paa en eller anden maade var gifte, hvilket ogsaa for Thronds vedkommende var tilfældet. Da paa sommeren 1204, formentlig omkring Sankthans, fødte da Inga paa Folkensborg et guttebarn, der som vanlig, naar faren var død, opkaldtes efter denne. Håkon Sverresson regjerte i knappe to år. Han døde brått nyttårsdagen i 1204, bare noen måneder før sønnen ble født, og det ble påstått at han ble forgiftet. Ryktene sa at det var hans stemor, enkedronning Margrete, som hadde forgiftet ham. Med kongens død ble Norge utstabilt igjen, og landet ble delt mellom profesjonelle krigere med baglere på den ene siden og birkebeinere på den andre. Folk flest, bønder og lendmenn, var trette av krig og uår. Ebbe Hertzberg skrev videre i Inga fra Varteig og hendes ættlegg: Medens Inga vedblev at opholde sig paa Folkensborg, antog forholdene i landet atter et stedse mer forvirret præg. Endnu sommeren 1204 døde barnekongen Guthorm Sigurdsson, den sidste kjendte mandlige ættling af Sverre, og fulde af nyvakte forhaabninger reiste Baglerne sig paa ny med Erling Steinvegg som partikonge. Rigtignok indfandt Birkebeinernes nye konge, Inge Baardsson af Rein, sig sommeren 1205 i Viken og tiltvang sig hylding baade paa Haugathing ved Tønsberg og paa Borgarthing; men til gjengjæld opnaaede Erling Steinvegg det samme i Nidaros paa selve Ørethinget, og overhovedet kom partikampene atter i fuld gang. Under disse omstændigheder var det farlig at sidde med en Birkebeiner-konges søn midt inde i den mest birkebeiner-fiendtlige del af Viken. Der gikk lumske rygter om aarsagerne til de to uventede kongedødsfald i Sverre-ætten i løbet af et og samme aar, og hva der kunde tiltroes de intrigerende faktioner ved Birkebeinernes egen kongehird i Nidaros, kunde med endnu større sandsynlighed i Viken tiltænkes de forbitrede Baglere. Birkebeinerne fremmet barnekongen Guttorm Sigurdsson, en sønnesønn av kong Sverre, men denne døde samme år. Baglerne fremmet Filippus Simonsson, den dattersønn av Harald Gilles dronning og søstersønn av den krigerske Oslo-bispen Nikolas Arneson. Det var ytterst farlig å bære på en potensiell tronarving midt i sentrum av baglerriket og Inga var i en vanskelig situasjon. Mens hun var gravid ble hun sveket av sine frender. Hun måtte vandre hjemmefra og ble mottatt av Erland på Huseby i Eidsberg. Hun ble innkvartert hos en Trond prest på Folkenborg i Eidsberg, et par kilometer nord for Huseby, da hun i 1204 fødte Håkon. Et barn som, for enkelte grupper, spesielt baglerne ledet av biskop Nikolas Arneson, var en trussel som måtte likvideres. Biskop Nikolas hadde selv kongskrav til tronen ved å være sønn av Harald Gilles enke Ingerid og var en innbitt motstander av kong Sverre og hans krets. Juleaften i 1205 dro Inga med lille Håkon til Hamar, men av frykt for baglerne som lette etter barnet, reiste hun straks videre til Lillehammer og gjemte seg der i julen. I januar 1206 dro en flokk birkebeinere på ski over fjellet fra Lillehammer til Østerdalen, forfulgt av baglerne. De hadde med seg den halvannet år gammel gutten, Håkon. Moren Inga var også med i følget. Birkebeinerflokken var på vei nordover Opplandene for å bringe sønnen til kongsgården i Nidaros, hvor birkebeinerne sto sterkt og gutten ville være trygg. Fra Lillehammer dro de østover fjellet; de mente det var risikabelt å fare den vanlige veien nordover Gudbrandsdalen. Vær og føre var ikke på birkebeinernes side. Da uværet raste som verst, ble det bestemt at de to beste skiløperne, Torstein Skjevla og Skjervald Skrukka, skulle dra i forveien og bringe gutten i sikkerhet. De fant ly for gutten i ei utløe, hvor de smeltet snø for å gi ham å drikke. Sagaen gir ingen grunn til å tro at Inga var med på denne turen, selv om den ikke spesifikt nevner at hun ikke var det. De to birkebeinerne kjempet seg frem gjennom uværet, uten tanke på å snu eller gi opp, for å redde det barnet som de håpet skulle bli Norges konge. På denne ferden sleit de mye vondt av styggevær og frost og snø. Ebbe Hertzberg skrev videre i Inga fra Varteig og hendes ættlegg: Som sit nærmeste maal havde det lille følget stillet sig Hamar for øie. Her sad der to af Birkebeinernes sysselmænd, fra hvis side de mente at kunde vente baade god modtagelse og virksom hjælp for den videre reise. Men de to krigshøvdinger befandt sig selv i knibe. Trods de anseelige flokke af stridsmend, som de omgav sig med, levede de i stadig frygt for overfald fra de ogsaa rundt om paa Oplandene huserende Baglere. Afse nogen større eskorte til kongesønnens ledsagelse over fjeldet turde de derfor ikke. Ei engang julefred formaaede de at berede flygtningerne. I saa henseende havde disse ikke regnet tilstrækkelig med biskop Ivar og den skarpe udkig, han holdt med sine fiender, de to Birkebeiner-sysselmænds gjøren og laden. Han fik straks greie paa, hva det var for et maktpaaliggende barn, som det paa selve julaften til Hamar sydfra indtrufne følge medbragte, og benyttende sig af sit slægtskab med gutten, inbød han med tilsyneladende velvilje mor og barn til at tilbringe julehelgen hos sig. Da det er udelukket, at det kan have været paa Sverre-ættens side, at den nævnte saa fiendtlig sindede Hamar-bisp har været beslægtet med Haakon Haakonsson, maa slægtskabet have knyttet sig til dennes mor, altsaa Inga selv. Inga og hennes ledsagere var fullt på det rene med at frende var frende verst. Allerede 2. juledag ble følget med barnet, i all hemmelighet, fraktet videre oppover til Lillehammer. I mellomtiden prøvde man å hindre at biskopen gikk til ytterligere skritt ved å forespeile ham at følget, når de etter jul følte seg uthvilte, ville benytte seg av hans gjestfrihet. Å ta seg over fjellet fra Gudbrandsdalen til Østerdalen og videre over til Dovre, var utenkelig på de korte midtvintersdagene. Man ventet derfor på lysere dager på senvinteren. Inntil fastetiden begynte, lå følget i all stillhet værfast på en liten gård ved Lillehammer. Da de endelig brøt opp, hadde det samlet seg flere birkebeinere. Det kan ikke sies med sikkerhet om Thrond prest og Erlend nå skiltes fra Inga og kongsbarnet og dro tilbake til hjemmene sine i Heggen. Det som er sikkert, er at biskop Nikolas til sist, gjennom sin embedsbror og partifelle på Hamar, hadde fått nyss om ferden og grunnen til den, og at han hadde underrettet de Baglerhøvdingene som overvintret i Tønsberg om dette. Men inden den af disse utsendte, betydelige hærafdeling, anført af hele 8 sveitehøvdinger, der hadde befaling til at bemægtige sig den kongebaarne gut, var naaet op til Hedemarken, var følget allerede kommet ned i Østerdalen og paa vei videre nordover. Overgangen fra Faaberg havde været frygtelig. Som det synes allerede den første dag efter opbruddet kom de ud for en voldsom snestorm, der tvang følget til at dele sig og sende barnet i forveien med et par dygtige skiløbere, som med nød og neppe bragte det i ly i en utlade. Overhovedet pleiede samtiden at sammenligne denne Ingas farefulde flugt med sin lille søn med den i sagnet saa berømte undvigelse, som Olaf Trygvassons mor Astrid under lignende møie og farer blev nødt til at foretage for at redde sit kongebarn fra dronning Gunhilds efterstræbelser. Etter at det hadde kommet fram til Østerdalen – til hvilken bygd er det umulig ut fra sagaen å si – var imidlertid faren forbi for Inga. Befolkningen tok seg av henne og hennes ledsagere med iver og varme og eskorterte dem nordover. Da den utsendte Baglerstyrken fikk greie på det, fant de ut at de burde dra fra Hedemark igjen. I Nidaros sies det at først vakte ryktet om at et nytt kongsemne var på vei, uro ved kong Inges hird, men da det viste seg å være en sønn av Håkon Sverreson, og altså den eneste mannlige etterkommer etter Sverre, ble han mottatt med jubel og inderlig tilfredshet av birkebeinerne. Også kong Inge viste seg meget vennskapelig og lot mor og barn bo i kongsgården. For øvrig skal Inga straks etter ankomsten ha tilbudt seg å bære jern for å bevise at hun snakket sant om sønnens kongelige herkomst. Dette tilbudet fikk hun imidlertid ikke anledning til å innfri før langt senere. Slik endte det første merkelige kapittel i beretningen om Inga fra Varteigs liv. Kilde bl.a.: Varteig Historielag (http://www.varteig-historielag.no/inga_historien.html), Inga fra Varteig og hendes ættlegg av Ebbe Hertzberg.	Olavsdatter til Varteig, Inga (I3369)
10693	Inga Marie Laurentze Schøyen, født 17.november og døpt 30.desember 1866 i Christiania, har bopel Tøjengaden 21 når hun konfirmeres 2.oktober 1881 i Grønland kirke. Hennes foreldre nevnes som Gunild Marie Ellefsen og Niels Laurits Schøyen. Anmærkninger (Konfirmandens Kristendomskundskab m.V.): Godt minus.	Schøyen, Inga Marie Laurentze "Zinow" (I62)
10694	Inga var snill mot alle, og da dørselgeren Hansen gjorde kur til henne, var hun lett å overbevise. Barna hennes derimot, likte dette dårlig. Datteren Fredrikke, som bodde hjemme da, var ergelig på denne dørselgeren. Han var arbeidsløs, og gikk hjemme alene, mens de andre var på jobb. Fortalt av Ranveig Lødøen.	Family: Carl Julius Hansen / Inga Marie Laurentze Schøyen, "Zinow" (F62)
10695	Ingbrithz Godøyen - Iver Bonæs - Ragnild Bonæs - Giertru Kiellen.	Nielsen Bonæs, Oluff (I6426)
10696	Inge Bårdsen ble valgt til konge av birkebeinerne i 1204, og var konge i det trøndersk-vestnorske birkebeinerriket i den siste fasen av striden mellom birkebeinere og baglere. Han hadde kongesete i Trondheim, og hadde også herredømme over store deler av vestkysten. Inge var øyensynlig en fredelig natur, som fant seg dårlig til rette i en tid fylt av kamp og intriger. Borgerkrigsperioden i norsk historie varte fra 1130 til 1240. Stor indre spenning, uro og åpen strid, da halvbrødrene Håkon Galen jarl og Skule Bårdsson samt Filippus i Viken fikk stor makt og delvis overstyrte Inge. Inge var sønn av kong Sverres søster Cecilia i ekteskapet med den trønderske lendmannen Bård Guttormsson. Da birkebeinerne tok den lille Guttorm Sigurdsson til konge over nyttår 1204, fikk Inge styret over hele Trøndelag. Halvbroren Håkon Galen, Cecilias sønn i det tidligere ekteskapet med den svenske Folkvid lagmann, ble utnevnt til jarl og leder av hird og hær, og han satt nå og senere mest i Bergen med styre over Vestlandet. Etter Guttorms død samme år var Cecilias to sønner de mest aktuelle etterfølgerne. De ledende menn i hirden og hærfolkene foretrakk den krigsvante Håkon som konge i en situasjon da baglerflokken hadde reist seg på ny. Men trønderbøndenes oppslutning i samråd med erkebiskop Eirik førte til at det var Inge som ble kongehyllet på Øyrating; bøndene ville ikke ha en konge av gautsk (svensk) ætt. Håkon ble likevel på ny utnevnt til jarl og hærleder med halvparten av kongsinntektene. Sommeren 1205 drog konge og jarl med leidangshær mot Viken, der Inge ble tatt til konge på Haugating og Borgarting. Baglerne fikk de likevel ikke bukt med. April 1206 overrasket de Inge og birkebeinerne i Trondheim mens de sov rusen ut etter en bryllupsfeiring, Inge hos sin frille Gyrid. Han kom seg så vidt unna ved å svømme over Nidelva. I strid med baglerne i Oslo året etter viste han seg heller ikke som noen stor militær leder. Da det med kirkelig mellomkomst ble sluttet forlik mellom birkebeinere og baglere på Kvitsøy i Ryfylke 1208 (Kvitesøyforliket), ble riket delt slik at baglerkongen Filippus Simonsson fikk herredømme over Østlandet øst til Svinesund og kong Sverres datter Kristin til ekte. Det fulgte nå en periode med fredelig sameksistens mellom det østnorske baglerriket og det trøndersk-vestnorske birkebeinerriket. Kong Inge lot bygge opp igjen kongsgården i Bergen, som baglerne hadde brent, men han satt som før mest i Trondheim. Han stod i diplomatisk kontakt med både den engelske og den skotske kongen. Jarlen Håkon Galen var ikke tilfreds med sin stilling og traktet etter kongsnavn. Inge avviste dette, men Håkon fikk med kirkelig støtte drevet igjennom en tronfølgeavtale, trolig 1212, som gikk ut på at den som levde lengst av ham og Inge skulle arve hele riket; etter begges død skulle den av deres arvinger som var ektefødt, være konge. Bakgrunnen var at Håkon hadde en ektefødt sønn, mens Inge bare hadde frillesønnen Guttorm. Avtalen ble likevel til Inges fordel, i og med at Håkon døde 1214. Året før hadde trønderbøndene grepet til våpen mot Inge og drept syslemannen hans i Strinda, i protest mot kongelige krav om leidangsskatt og andre utredsler. Inge ville angivelig ikke stride mot sine egne bønder, men kongens yngre og krigerske halvbror Skule Bårdsson fikk ham til å slå bøndene tilbake. Året etter Håkon Galens død samlet Inge en stor leidangshær i Bergen og tvang trønderbøndene til å godta de omstridte ytelsene til kongedømmet, men lot dem ellers være i fred. Böglunga sögur (sagaen om birkebeinere og baglere) fremstiller kong Inge som en fredelig og stillfarende mann, vennlig og god mot mennene sine. Han skal ha tatt godt imot den unge Håkon Håkonsson og moren hans da de søkte tilflukt i Trondheim 1206, og han lot senere Håkon gå i skole ved Kristkirken der sammen med sønnen Guttorm, til tross for at han var en potensiell tronrival. Etter bagleroverfallet i Trondheim 1206 var Inge tungfør og hadde svak helse, og han trivdes best når han var på skip. Vinteren 1216–17 ble han syk, og han døde i Trondheim 23. april, etter at han hadde utnevnt broren Skule til jarl og leder av hird og hær. Kong Inge ble gravlagt i den søndre veggen i Kristkirken (Nidarosdomen) i en staselig prydet grav. Arvefølgen etter Inge skulle vært avgjort av avtalen med Håkon Galen, slik at Knut Håkonsson jarl skulle blitt konge. Alternativet var Inges uektefødte sønn Guttorm Ingesson. Men arvefølgespørsmålet ble først og fremst en kamp mellom Skule Bårdsson og Håkon Håkonsson, med Sigurd Ribbung som en ekstra joker i leken. Spørsmålet ble avgjort da kirken støttet Håkon, til tross for at Knut var den eneste ektefødte blant kandidatene. Etterfølgeren, Håkon 4 Håkonsson, ble anerkjent av både baglere og birkebeinere. Kilder: Soga om birkebeinar og baglar. B?glunga s?gur, utg. av H. Magerøy, Norrøne tekster 5, 1988. Snorres kongesagaer, Håkon Håkonssons saga. RN, bd. 1. E. Bull d.e.: biografi i NBL1, bd. 6, 1934. K. Helle: Omkring Böglungasögur, UiB Årbok. Hist.-antikv. rk. 1958 nr. 7, 1958. d.s.: Norge blir en stat 1130–1319, bd. 3 i Handbok i Norges historie, 1974.	Bårdsen, Inge "Inge 2" (I3606)
10697	Inge den eldre var gift med Helena, som i noen kilder blir kalt for Maer (=mø).	Family: Inge Steinkjellson av Sverige, "Inge 1" / Helena (F1901)
10698	Inge Stenkilson tilbrakte mye av sin ungdom i Russland ved Staraja Ladoga, hvor han giftet seg med sin hustru Helena. Hennes opprinnelse er ukjent, men hun var kanskje russisk eller gresk. Hun var i så fall ikke søster av Blot-Svein. Det blir oppgitt at sveaerne avsatte Inge rundt år 1084 fordi han ikke ville blote ved tinget, og han ble da erstattet av Blot-Svein. Inge Stenkilsson skal ha vært en troende kristen og forsøkte å kristne sveaerne, hvilket de ikke satte særlig pris på. Omkring år 1087 skal Inge ha reist med sine menn gjennom Småland og Østergøtland, ridd både natt og dag, inntil han kom til gamle Uppsala. Han lot mennene sine omringe hallen til Blot-Svein og satte den i brann. Da kongen kom springende ut ble han øyeblikkelig drept. Dette er antagelig datoen for ødeleggelsen av det berømte tempelet i Uppsala. Med denne dåden tok Inge makten i Sverige. En av de få kildene om og fra denne tiden, Hervors saga, sier: Inge var lenge konge og vennesæl og en god kristen; han avskaffet bloting i Svitjod og påbød at folk skulle kristnes. En annen som var dypt engasjert i den samtidige kampen mot hedenskapen var den engelske munken Sankt Eskil. På oppfordring fra paven grunnla Inge Vreta kloster og lot Vreta kirke bygge. Det finnes en gammel opptegnelse som taler om at kong Inge og dronning Helena eide store eiendommer i disse traktene og at de skal gitt bort rundt 20 bondegårder til et kloster som ble lagt ved den nye kirken. Det skal ha skjedd rundt år 1100. En del vil ha det til at denne hendelsen betydde at kong Inge kom fra Østgøtland, men trolig var det Helena som kom herfra. De 20 gårdene var i så fall en del av hennes bryllupspresang. Det kan også ha vært gårder som de overtok ved å drepe Blot-Svein som antagelig hadde sin ætt i området. Pavens brev om dette emnet er et av de få skriftlige bevis på Inge som svensk konge: Ingo gloriosus Suetonum Rex – Inge, svearnes ærerike konge. I et annet brev fra pave Gregorius 7 i 1081 nevnes han derimot ikke som konge av Sverige, kun som konge av Vestgøtland: Rege wisigothorum. En annen historisk hendelse var det såkalte trekongemøtet i 1101 i Konghelle i norske Båhuslen, nå svenske Kungälv hvor Erik Eiegod, konge av Danmark, Magnus Berrføtt, konge av Norge, og Inge den eldre, konge av Sverige, skal ha kommet sammen for utarbeide en fredsavtale. Dette møtet er blitt beskrevet av Snorre Sturlason i Magnus Berrføtts saga. De nøyaktige detaljene om hvorfor og hvor møtet ble holdt er ukjent, men resultatet ble at de ikke skulle føre krig mot hverandre, og at de skulle la grensene være slik de var hos deres forfedre. I følge Snorre giftet Inge bort sin datter Margret (svensk Margareta) til kong Magnus for å bekrefte freden. Etter dette fikk hun navnet -Margret Fredkulla. Det siste betyr Fredskvinne.	Steinkjellson av Sverige, Inge "Inge 1" (I3401)
10699	Ingebjørg arvet Østre Bergen, som var blitt skilt ut fra gården Bergen, og hadde en skyld på 1,5 tønne. Det var skifte etter Ole i 1746, og arvingene var enken og 6 barn. Boet var på brutto 349 riksdaler 16 skilling, netto 307 riksdaler 16 skilling, medregnet jord. Boet eide Bergen 1,5 tønne og 1/3 i sætrene Rognlien og Svangelien, verdsatt med husene på gården til 150 riksdaler. På gården hadde de 1 hest, 5 kyr, 3 kviger, 1 okse, 2 kalver, 8 sauer og 3 lam. Sønnen Torgrim tok over gården.	Torkildsen Grandås, Ole "Bergen" (I18543)
10700	Ingebjørg Holmfridsdatter.	Erlendsdatter til Losna, Ingebjørg (I4793)