Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Kiev
• Occupation: Russland

Family/Spouse: Efenda av Novgorod. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 0913, Kiev, Ukraina; Fyrste, prins.

Notes:

Occupation:
Igor 1. besteg tronen 913. Han hadde hell i krig, blant annet mot Bysants.

Igor married Olga Helena av KievKiev, Ukraina. Olga was born about 0890 in Russland; died in 0969 in Novgorod, Russland. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 0972, Kiev, Ukraina; Regent.

Notes:

Occupation:
Mor Olga den hellige styrte når Svetoslav var mindreårig.

Olgas sønn var kjent for sin tapperhet. Han beseiret Donau-bulgarerne, men falt senere i kamp med nomadene ved tilbakekomsten til Kiev.

Family/Spouse: Malusha av Kiev. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1015, Kiev, Ukraina; Regent.

Family/Spouse: Rogneda Rognvaldsdatter. Rogneda (daughter of Rognvald) died about 1002. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1019, Kiev, Ukraina; Storfyrste.

Notes:

Occupation:
Etter sin fars død i 1015 kjempet Jaroslav lenge mot sine brødre om tronen, og søkte støtte i Sverige. Han erobret med hjelp av væringene Kiev i 1019.

Han ble storfyrste av Kiev, ektet Olav Skötkonungs datter Ingegerd, og la under seg en stor del av Russland.

Under hans styre blomstret kirken, kulturen og den militære makten markant. Under Jaroslavs styre ble den første lovboken for riket utgitt, Russkaja pravda. Han lot også utarbeide kirkelover.

Jaroslav og Ingegerd var vertskap for Olav den hellige og hans følge da de dro i eksil til Russland før Olav returnerte til Norge og falt i slaget ved Stiklestad.

Jaroslav married Ingegjerd (Irina) Olofsdatter av Sverige, "av Kiev" about 1019. Ingegjerd (daughter of Olof Erikson av Sverige, "Olof 3" and Estrid av Mechlenburg) was born about 1001; died on 10 Feb 1050 in Kiev, Ukraina. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Maria married Casimir Karol, "Casimir 1" about 1039. Casimir (son of Mieszko av Polen, "Mieszko 2" and Richiza av Saalfeld og Lothringen) was born on 17 Jun 1015 in Krakow, Polen; died on 28 Nov 1058 in Poznan, Polen. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Ellisiv married Harald Sigurdsen av Norge, "Harald 3" about 1042. Harald (son of Sigurd Halvdansen and Åsta Gudbrandsdatter) was born about 1015 in Ringerike, Buskerud, Viken, Norge; died on 22 Sep 1066 in Stamford Bridge, Yorkshire, England. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Notes:

Died:
Begravet i Villiers Abbey, La-Ferte-Alais, Essonne.

Anastasia married Andreas av Ungarn, "Andreas 1" about 1038. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Anastasia married Henry Capet, "Henry 1" about 1050. Henry was born about Apr 1008 in Champagne-Ardenne, Frankrike; died on 04 Aug 1060 in Frankrike. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Gertrud av Polen. Gertrud (daughter of Mieszko av Polen, "Mieszko 2" and Richiza av Saalfeld og Lothringen) died about 1107. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Kiev, Ukraina

Family/Spouse: Theodora Monomachus. Theodora (daughter of Konstatin Monomachu, "Konstatin 9") died about 1067. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1102, Polen; Hertug, konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Wladyslaw 1 Herman (c. 1044 – 4 June 1102) was a Duke of Poland from 1079 until his death.

He was the second son of Casimir 1 the Restorer by his wife Maria Dobroniega, daughter of Vladimir the Great, Grand Duke of Kiev.

As the second son, Wladyslaw was not destined for the throne. However, due to the flight from Poland of his older brother Boleslaw 2 the Bold in 1079, he was elevated to the rank of Duke of Poland. Opinions vary on whether Wladyslaw played an active role in the plot to depose his brother or whether he was handed the authority simply because he was the most proper person, being the next in line in the absence of the king and his son Mieszko Boleslawowic.

In 1080, in order to improve the relations between Poland and Bohemia, Wladyslaw married Judith, the daughter of the Duke (and first King from 1085) Vratislaus 2. After this, the foreign policy of the Duke gravitated strongly towards appeasement of the Holy Roman Empire.

He accepted overlordship of the Empire, and when in 1085 while in Mainz the Holy Roman Emperor Henry 4 announced that his brother-in-law Vratislaus 2 to be King of Bohemia and Poland, Wladyslaw did not object. He also never pursued the Royal crown due to his subservient status. Soon after, he was forced by the barons of Poland to recall from exile in Hungary his nephew and rightful heir to the Polish throne, Mieszko Boleslawowic. The young prince accepted the overlordship of his uncle and gave up his hereditary claims in exchange for becoming first in line of succession. Wladyslaw was forced to accept the terms of his nephew, because his eldest and only son at that time, Zbigniew, was illegitimate because he had been born from a union not recognized by the church. Wladyslaw's relations with the Emperor were considerably improved after his second marriage with his sister Judith (also Dowager Queen of Hungary) in 1089.

Wladyslaw abandoned the alliance with Hungary favored by his deposed brother, and joined the anti-Papal camp. Also, he resumed paying tribute for Silesia to Bohemia. In addition Kraków and Cieszyn were ceded to Bohemia, Lubusz Land was lost to Germany while Przemysl Land in the east was lost to Halych-Ruthenia. Wladyslaw did make attempts to regain the control of Pomerania, and through numerous expeditions was temporarily (1090–1091) able to do so.

Although Wladyslaw was formally Dux and an Overlord of Poland, in reality the barons who banished his brother used this victory to strengthen their position. It's not surprising therefore, that within a short time the Duke was forced to give up the government to his Count Palatine, (Polish: wojewoda) a high born noble named Sieciech. Sieciech's administration of the realm was negatively perceived by those of the barons who were not the beneficiaries of the power shift.

The birth of the future Boleslaw 3 completely changed the political situation in Poland. Mieszko Boleslawowic was already 17 at that time and was, by the previous agreement made after his return, the first in line to succeed. In 1089 Mieszko died under mysterious circumstances, probably poisoned on the orders of Sieciech and Duchess Judith-Sophia. Almost immediately, Zbigniew was sent to Germany and placed in the Quedlinburg Abbey. With the idea of forcing his first-born son to take the holy vows, Wladyslaw intended to deprive him of any chance of succession.

In 1090 Sieciech, with help of Polish forces under his command, managed to gain control of Gdansk Pomerania, albeit for a short time. Major towns were garrisoned by Polish troops, the rest were burned, in order to thwart any future resistance. Several months later, however, a rebellion of native elites led to the restoration of the region’s independence from Poland.

Sieciech's tyrannical rule reflected negatively on Wladyslaw, causing a massive political migration out of Poland. In 1093 Silesia rebelled, and the comes Magnus with the assistance of the Bohemian and Polish knights welcomed Zbigniew after he escaped from Germany; however, soon Sieciech captured the prince and imprisoned him. The increasing dissatisfaction in the country forced the release of Zbigniew in 1097. Immediately after this Wladyslaw (after an unsuccessfully retaliatory expedition against Silesia and forced to recognize Zbigniew as the legitimate heir) appointed his sons as commanders of the army which was formed in order to recapture Gdansk Pomerania.

Simultaneously a great migration of Jews from Western Europe to Poland began circa 1096, around the time of the First Crusade. Wladyslaw, a tolerant ruler, attracted the Jews into his domains, and permitted to settle throughout the entire country without restriction.

Soon Zbigniew and Boleslaw decided to join forces and demanded that the reigns of the government should be handed over to them. Wladyslaw agreed to divide the realm between the brothers, each to be granted his own province while he himself kept control of Mazovia and its capital at Plock. Wladyslaw also retained control of the most important cities i.e. Wroclaw, Kraków and Sandomierz. Zbigniew’s province encompassed Greater Poland including Gniezno, Kuyavia, Leczyca and Sieradz. Boleslaw’s territory included Lesser Poland, Silesia and Lubusz Land.

However, Sieciech, alarmed by the evident diminution of his power, began to intrigue against the brothers. Wladyslaw decided to support him against his own sons. Defeated, in 1101 and after the mediation of the Archbishop of Gniezno Martin, the Duke was forced to confiscate Sieciech's properties and exiled him.

Wladyslaw died on 4 June 1102, without resolving the issue of succession, leaving his sons to struggle for supremacy. His body was interned in the Plock Cathedral.

Wladyslaw founded several churches in Poland. Most notably he was the founder of the Romanesque Wawel Cathedral of which the Silver Bells Tower still remains standing. He was also very fond of Saint Giles (Polish: Idzi) to whom he founded no less than 3 churches: in Kraków, Inowlodz and Giebultow. This is attributed to the fact that while his first wife was finally pregnant after six years of childless marriage, the Duke sent rich gifts to the Benedictine monastery of Saint Gilles in southern France, begging for a healthy child. When a boy was born, Wladyslaw began building churches in his honor. According to legend, he also founded a church - on the sand - dedicated to the Virgin Mary, which was later granted to the Carmelites.

Before Wladyslaw took the title of Duke of Poland, probably during the 1070s, he had a relationship with a certain Przeclawa, whose exact origins are unknown, although some sources stated that she belonged to the Prawdzic clan. Her status is also a matter of dispute among the historians: some believed that she only was W?adyslaw's mistress and others asserted that she was his wife, but this union was performed under pagan rituals and in consequence not recognized by the Church as a valid marriage. By 1080, one year after Wladyslaw ascended to the Polish throne, Przeclawa either died or was sent away; it's believed by some sources that after she was dismissed by the Duke, Przeclawa took the veil under the name of Christina (Polish: Krystyna) and died around 1092. This union produced a son:

1. Zbigniew (b. c. 1070/73 – d. c. 1112/14), who was considered illegitimate.

In 1080 Wladyslaw married firstly with Judith (b. c. 1056 – d. 25 December 1086), daughter of Duke (and since 1085 King) Vratislaus 2 of Bohemia. They had one son:

2. Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth (b. 20 August 1086 – d. 28 October 1138).

In 1089 Wladyslaw married secondly with Judith (b. 9 April 1054 – d. 14 March c. 1105), daughter of Henry 3, Holy Roman Emperor and widow of King Solomon of Hungary. They had 4 daughters:

3. Sophia (b. c. 1089 – d. bef. 12 May 1112), married bef. 1108 to Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich, Prince of Volhynia, son of Sviatopolk 2 of Kiev.

4. Agnes (b. c. 1090 – d. 29 December 1127), Abbess of Quedlinburg (1110) and Gandersheim (1111).

5. Adelaide (b. c. 1091 – d. 25/26 March 1127), married bef. 1118 to Dietrich 3, Count of Vohburg and Margrave of the Northern March.

6. NN (b. c. 1092 – d. bef. 1111), married c. 1111 with a Polish lord.

Vladislav married Judith av Böhmen about 1083. Judith (daughter of Vratislav av Böhmen, "Vratislav 2" and Adelheide av Ungarn) was born about 1055; died about 1086. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Gudrød Crovan Haraldsen, "Godred 3". Gudrød (son of Harald Gudrødsen and NN Ragnfrødsdatter) was born about 1030; died about 1095 in Hebridene, Storbritannia. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Adelheide married Vratislav av Böhmen, "Vratislav 2" about 1055. Vratislav (son of Bretislav av Böhmen, "Bretislav 1" and Judith av Böhmen) was born about 1035; died on 14 Jan 1092. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Notes:

Birth:
Vermandois

Died:
Tarsus, Cilicie.

Hugh married Adelaide av Vermandois about 1080. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Kiev, Ukraina

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Kiev, Ukraina

Family/Spouse: Gyda Haraldsdatter. Gyda (daughter of Harald Godwinson, "Harald 2" and Edgyth) was born in England. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1102, Polen; Hertug del 1.
• Occupation: Aft 1102, Polen; Hertug del 2.
• Occupation: Aft 1119, Polen; Hertug del 3.

Notes:

Occupation:
Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth (also known as Boleslaus 3 the Wry-mouthed, Polish: Boleslaw 3 Krzywousty) (20 August 1086 – 28 October 1138), was a Duke of Lesser Poland, Silesia and Sandomierz between 1102 and 1107 and over the whole Poland between 1107 and 1138. He was the only child of Prince Wladyslaw 1 Herman and his first wife Judith, daughter of Vratislaus 2 of Bohemia.

Boleslaw began to rule in the last decade of the 11th century, when the central government in Poland was significantly weakened. Wladyslaw 1 Herman fell under the political dependence of the Count palatine Sieciech, who became the real ruler of the country. Backed by their father, Boleslaw and his half-brother Zbigniew finally expelled Sieciech from the country in 1101, after several years of fighting. After the death of Wladyslaw 1 Herman in 1102, two independent states were created ruled by Boleslaw and Zbigniew.

Boleslaw sought to gain Pomerania which caused an armed conflict between the brothers, and forced Zbigniew to flee the country and seek military help from Germany. Boles?aw effectively stopped the intervention of the German King Henry 5 in 1109 and punished Zbigniew by blinding him. This action caused outrage among supporters of Zbigniew, resulting in a political crisis in Poland. Boles?aw once again gained the favor of his subjects with public penance, and made a pilgrimage to the monastery of his patron, Saint Giles, in Hungary.

Boleslaw, like Boleslaw 2 the Generous, based his foreign policy on maintaining good relations with neighboring Hungary and Kievan Rus, with whom he forged strong links through marriage and military cooperation in order to break the political dependence on Germany and his vassal, the King of Bohemia, who in moments of weakness of Polish policy was forced to pay tribute in Silesia. These alliances have allowed Boleslaw to effectively defend the country from invasion by Henry 5 in 1109. Several years later, Boleslaw skillfully took advantage of the dynastic disputes in Bohemia to ensure peace on the south-west border.

Boleslaw devoted the second half of his rule to the conquest of Pomerania. In 1113 he conquered the northern strongholds along Notec, which strengthened the border with the Pomeranians. In subsequent years, he took steps toward the conquest of Pomerania. The resolution of the conflict with the Holy Roman Empire allowed Boleslaw to subordinate Western Pomerania and incorporate Gdansk Pomerania. The military expeditions, carried out in three stages, ended in the 1120s with military and political successes. Integration of the newly annexed lands enabled Boleslaw to build churches and began the process of converting Pomerania. Bishop Otto of Bamberg confirmed the Christianization of Pomerania from 1123 onward.

In the 1130s Boleslaw participated in the dynastic dispute in Hungary. After an unexpected defeat, he was forced to make an agreement with Germany. The Congress of Merseburg of 1135 addressed the issues of Pomerania, Silesian (probably also Polish) sovereignty and the supremacy of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church.

Boleslaw was married twice. His first marriage with the Kievan princess Zbyslava gave him an excuse to intervene militarily in the internal affairs of Russia.

After her death, Boleslaw married to a German noblewoman, Salomea of Berg, which in some way was the cause of changes in Polish foreign policy: in the second half of his rule, the Prince sought to restore diplomatic relations with his western neighbor. His last, and perhaps the most momentous act, was his will and testament known as The Succession Statute in which he divided the country among his sons, leading to almost 200 years of feudal fragmentation of the Polish Kingdom.

Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth has been recognized by historiography as a symbol of Polish political aspirations until well into the 19th century. He also upheld the independence of the Polish archbishopric of Gniezno, despite a temporary failure in the 1130s. Despite undoubted successes, he committed serious political errors, most notably against Zbigniew of Poland, his half-brother. The crime against Zbigniew and his penance for it show Boleslaw’s great ambition as well as his ability to find political compromise.

In 1086 the coronation of Vratislav 2 as King of Bohemia, and his alignment with László 1, King of Hungary, threatened the position of the Polish ruler, Prince Wladyslaw 1 Herman. Therefore, that same year Wladyslaw 1 was forced to recall from Hungarian banishment the only son of Boleslaw 2 the Bold and a rightful heir to the Polish throne, Mieszko Boleslawowic. Upon his return young Boleslawowic accepted the over-lordship of his uncle and gave up his hereditary claim to the crown of Poland in exchange for becoming first in line to succeed him. In return, Wladyslaw 1 Herman granted his nephew the district of Kraków. The situation was further complicated for Wladyslaw 1 Herman by a lack of a legitimate male heir, as his first-born son Zbigniew came from a union not recognized by the church. With the return of Mieszko Boleslawowic to Poland, Wladyslaw 1 normalized his relations with the kingdom of Hungary as well as Kievan Rus (the marriage of Mieszko Boleslawowic to a Kievan princess was arranged in 1088). These actions allowed Herman to strengthen his authority and alleviate further tensions in international affairs.

The lack of a legitimate heir, however, remained a concern for Wladyslaw 1 and in 1085 he and his wife Judith of Bohemia sent rich gifts, among which was a life size statue of a child made of gold, to the Benedictine Sanctuary of Saint Giles in Saint-Gilles, Provence begging for offspring. The Polish envoys were led by the personal chaplain of Duchess Judith, Piotr.

The date of birth of Boleslaw is closely linked with the death of his mother Judith. This fact is evidenced by contemporary sources:

Gallus Anonymus in the Cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum reported that Duchess Judith gave birth to Boleslaw on the day of King Saint Stephen of Hungary (whose feast since the 11th century was celebrated on 20 August). However, the Duchess' health never recovered from childbirth and died on the night of Nativity[18] (i.e. 24–25 December). Gallus did not note the year in his chronicle.

Cosmas of Prague wrote in Latin in his Chronica Boëmorum (Chronicle of Bohemians) that Boleslaw was born 3 days before the death of Judith, who died in 8 Calends of January (25 December) of 1085.

The Kalendarz krakowski said that Duchess Judith died on 24 December 1086, and only indicated that the birth of Boleslaw was in the same year.

The Obituary of the Abbey of Saint-Gilles reported the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.

The Rocznik kapituly krakowskiej (closely related to the Kalendarz krakowski) placed the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.

Historian August Bielowski established Boleslaw's birth on 26 December 1085 and the death of his mother 2 days later, on 28 December. According to him Gallus Anonymus committed 2 errors.
First, instead of the Sunday after the Nativity of the Lord wrote incorrectly in the Sunday of the Nativity. Secondly, he mistaken the day of Saint Stephen (26 December) with the festivities of King Stephen of Hungary (20 August). Both corrections lead to the birth date of Boleslaw on 26 December.
This theory was supported by the fact that in 1085 28 December fell on a Sunday.

Oswald Balzer refuted Bielowski's theory and pointed that Judith's death was on the night between 24–25 December 1086, and the birth of Boleslaw was 4 months before, on 20 August. According to him, if Judith died on the night between 24–25 December, are possible discrepancies in determining the exact date of the event. All known sources who placed the death of Judith, would then right. Gallus wrote that Judith died shortly after giving birth to a son.
Later sources interpret this as a death in childbirth and Cosmas of Prague followed this fact, despite he didn't received the information at first hand. Hence, his mistake would result in this point. In contrast, the right -indicated by Gallus- date of birth of Boleslaw would be 20 August. In the medieval tradition the year began on 25 December. In that case, the reports of Cosmas must be concluded that Boleslaw was born yet in 1085. This information, however, was in contradiction with the reports of the Kalendarz krakowski, who gave the year 1086. Judith was styled by the authors of the Kalendarz as regina Polonia (Queen of Poland in Latin), and this title could be associated with her father's coronation as King of Bohemia and Poland on 15 June 1086 (according to Cosmas). Karol Maleczynski refuted the arguments of Balzer, who accepted the date of the coronation of Vratislav II given by Cosmas.[19] However, most researchers indicates that the coronation took place on 15 June 1085, so Judith could be called Queen a year earlier.

Karol Maleczynski determined that the death of Judith took place on the night between 24–25 December 1085, and Boleslaw was born four months before, on 20 August. Researchers found that the date given by the Rocznik kapituly krakowskiej (24 December 1086) was the same established by Cosmas (25 December 1085). The difference in the year could be explained in the different of style dating followed by Cosmas, who began the year according to the Julian calendar on 1 January and Christmas (Nativitate in Latin) on 25 December. For Maleczynski, Kazimierz Jasinski not consider this calendar difference who occurs only during the period 25–31 December.

Archaeologist Wojciech Szafranski reasumed the theory of Bielowski:
Judith of Bohemia died on 28 December 1085, and Boleslaw was born 2 days before, on 26 December.
According to Szafranski Cosmas used the term 8 Calends of January, with no specific date. However, in the Chronicle of Gallus should read that Judith died on Christmas Day, but on Sunday in the Octave of Christmas. Using such a broadened range of days, the investigator determined the birth of Boleslaw in the feast of Saint Stephen (26 December). For this reasons, the date of 1085 given by Bielowski is correct according to him. However, Jasinski pointed the weaknesses of the argument of Szafranski because Gallus has written about the Octave, but specifically about Christmas night, but the investigator didn't consider all other sources, as well as the achievements of research in genealogy.

Marian Plezia argued that Boleslaw was born on 2 September 1085 or 1086. According to Gallus, the day of King Stephen of Hungary was also celebrated on 2 September. Jasinski considered this theory unfounded. In Poland the feast of King Stephen of Hungary is pointed by the Kalendarz krakowski and the kalendarz Kodeksu Gertrudy on 20 August. Besides, if Boleslaw was born on 2 September, Gallus probably would be noted that this was the day after the celebration of Saint Giles (1 September), which was attributed to be the intercessor of his birth.

Kazimierz Jasinski placed the death of Judith in the night between 24–25 December 1086 and the birth of Boleslaw 4 months before, on 20 August. In this point he agrees with the findings of Balzer. He supported his views with additional arguments:
All sources are based in the missing Rocznika kapituly krakowskiej, and the next known text of this source refers to events in 1086.
Cosmas, writing his chronicle a few decades later, probably benefited from oral tradition and could make a mistake when he placed the year. His reports who placed the birth of Boleslaw 3 days before the death of his mother denoted a quite short time.

Today is widely recognized the view of both Jasinski and Balzer, that Boleslaw most likely was born in the day of King Stephen of Hungary, 20 August 1086.

According to Cosmas of Prague, Boleslaw was named after his uncle, Boleslaw 2 the Generous. Wladyslaw 1 Herman had no reason to named his first-born legitimate son after his brother, but probably in this way tried to placate the former allies of his predecessor.

Boleslaw's nickname Wrymouth (pl: Krzywousty) appeared in Polish and Latin sources of the 13th century: Genealogii plockiej (Criwousti) and the Roczniku swietokrzyskim mlodszym (Crzyvousti). Probably the origin of this nickname dates back on the 12th century and is relationed with some physical characteristics of the Polish ruler, who were noticed at the time of his reign. Probably he began to be named in this way after 1114, because Gallus Anonymus in his Chronicle never mentioned it. In the Kronice ksiazat polskich and Kronice polsko-slaskiej Boleslaw was qualified by the Latin adjective curvus, whose significance remains unclear. According to the 14th century Kroniki o Piotrze Wlostowicu the Prince was hunchbacked (Latin: gibbosus) or had a crooked mouth. The 15th century chronicler Jan Dlugosz wrote:

He had a mouth on one side slightly bent, and for this he was called Wrymouth; however, this is not marred his face, and even added to him some charm.

In 1974, in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral of Plock, where according to tradition Boleslaw was buried, an archaeological research project was conducted. A coffin was discovered containing the bones of 16 men and women. One of the skulls, of a man who died aged 50, had a deformed mandible. There is a hypothesis that these remains belonged to Boleslaw. Opponents of this theory suggest that the Prince was named in this way many years after his death, and his contemporary Gallus did not mention any physical defect in the hero of his Chronicles. The defenders of the hypothesis argue that the work of Gallus has the characteristics of a panegyric in honor of Boleslaw, because the chronicler did not mention his physical infirmities. It is also speculated that the bone damage occurred as a result of childbirth complications, which led to the death of his mother a few months later.

The nickname of Boleslaw was also explained in other ways. According to a legend, Boleslaw slammed his face against a wall after watching his father's subservience towards the Germans and Czechs. According to Jan Dlugosz, the Prince in his youth suffered from an ulcer, which caused the deformity of his face. According to older historiography, he received the nickname Wrymouth for his perjury.

Following Boleslaw’s birth the political climate in the country changed. The position of Boleslaw as an heir to the throne was threatened by the presence of Mieszko Boleslawowic, who was already 17 at the time and was furthermore, by agreement with Wladyslaw 1 Herman himself, the first in line to succeed. In all likelihood it was this situation that precipitated the young prince Mieszko’s demise in 1089. In that same year Wladyslaw 1 Herman’s first-born son Zbigniew was sent to a monastery in Quedlinburg, Saxony. This suggests that Wladyslaw 1 Herman intended to be rid of Zbigniew by making him a monk, and therefore depriving him of any chance of succession. This eliminated 2 pretenders to the Polish throne, secured young Boleslaw’s inheritance as well as diminished the growing opposition to Wladyslaw 1 Herman among the nobility. Shortly after his ascension, however, Wladyslaw 1 Herman was forced by the barons to give up the de facto reins of government to Count Palatine Sieciech. This turn of events was likely due to the fact that Herman owed the throne to the barons, the most powerful of whom was Sieciech.

Around this time Wladyslaw 1 Herman married again. The chosen bride was Judith-Maria, daughter of Emperor Henry 3 and widow of King Solomon of Hungary, who after her wedding took the name Sophia in order to distinguish herself from Wladyslaw 1 Herman's first wife. Through this marriage Boleslaw gained 3 or 4 half-sisters, and as a consequence he remained the only legitimate son and heir. It's believed that the new Duchess was actively aiding Sieciech in his schemes to take over the country and that she became his mistress.

In 1090 Polish forces under Sieciech's command, managed to gain control of Gdansk Pomerania, albeit for a short time. Major towns were garrisoned by Polish troops, and the rest were burned in order to thwart future resistance. Several months later, however, a rebellion of native elites led to the restoration of the region’s independence from Poland. The following year a punitive expedition was organized, in order to recover Gdansk Pomerania. The campaign was decided at the battle of the Wda River, where the Polish knights suffered a defeat despite the assistance of Bohemian troops.

Prince Boleslaw’s childhood happened at a time when a massive political migration out of Poland was taking place, due to Sieciech’s political repressions. Most of the elites who became political refugees found safe haven in Bohemia. Another consequence of Sieciech’s political persecution was the kidnapping of Zbigniew by Sieciech’s enemies and his return from abroad in 1093. Zbigniew took refuge in Silesia, a stronghold of negative sentiment for both Sieciech as well as his nominal patron Wladyslaw 1 Herman. In the absence of Sieciech and Boleslaw, who were captured by Hungarians and kept captive, Prince Wladyslaw 1 then undertook a penal expedition to Silesia, which was unsuccessful and subsequently obliged him to recognize Zbigniew as a legitimate heir. In 1093 Wladyslaw 1 signed an Act of Legitimization which granted Zbigniew the rights of descent from his line. Zbigniew was also granted the right to succeed to the throne. Following Sieciech and Boleslaw’s escape from Hungary, an expedition against Zbigniew was mounted by the Count Palatine. Its aim was to nullify the Act of Legitimization. The contestants met at the battle of Goplo in 1096, where Sieciech’s forces annihilated the supporters of Zbigniew. Zbigniew himself was taken prisoner, but regained his freedom a year later, in May 1097, due to the intervention of the bishops. At the same time his rights, guaranteed by the Act of Legitimization, were reinstated.

Simultaneously a great migration of Jews from Western Europe to Poland began circa 1096, around the time of the First Crusade. The tolerant rule of Wladyslaw 1 Herman attracted the Jews who were permitted to settle throughout the entire kingdom without restrictions. The Polish prince, took great care of the Hebrew Diaspora, as he understood its positive influence on the growth of the country’s economy. The new Jewish citizens soon gained trust of the gentiles during the rule of Boleslaw 3.

In view of his father’s disapproval, and after discovering the plans of Sieciech and Duchess Judith-Sophia to take over the country Zbigniew gained an ally in the young prince Boleslaw. Both brothers demanded that the reins of government should be handed over to them. It is difficult to believe, however, that Boleslaw was making independent decisions at this point as he was only 12 years of age. It is postulated that at this stage he was merely a pawn of the Baron’s power struggle. Wladyslaw 1 Herman, however, agreed to divide the realm between the brothers, each to be granted his own province while the Prince – Wladyslaw 1 himself – kept control of Mazovia and its capital at Plock. Wladyslaw also retained control of the most important cities i.e. Wroclaw, Kraków and Sandomierz. Zbigniew’s province encompassed Greater Poland including Gniezno, Kuyavia, Leczyca Land and Sieradz Land. Boleslaw’s territory included Lesser Poland, Silesia and Lubusz Land.

The division of the country and the allowance of Boleslaw and Zbigniew to co-rule greatly alarmed Sieciech, who then began preparing to dispose of the brothers altogether. Sieciech understood that the division of the country would undermine his position. He initiated a military settlement of the issue and he gained the Prince’s support for it. The position of Wladyslaw 1 is seen as ambiguous as he chose to support Sieciech’s cause instead of his sons'.

In response to Sieciech’s preparations Boleslaw and Zbigniew entered into an alliance. This took place at a popular assembly or Wiec organized in Wroclaw by a magnate named Skarbimir of the Awdaniec family. There it was decided to remove the current guardian of Boleslaw, a noble named Wojslaw who was a relative of Sieciech, and arrange for an expedition against the Palatine. Subsequently, in 1099, the armies of Count Palatine and Prince Herman encountered the forces of Zbigniew and Boleslaw near Zarnowiec by the river Pilica. There the forces of Boleslaw and Zbigniew defeated Sieciech's army, and Wladyslaw 1 Herman was obliged to permanently remove Sieciech from the position of Count Palatine. In the same year, at Christmas, Boles?aw concluded to short-lived peace with Bohemia. The agreement was concluded in Žatec. According to Cosmas, Boleslaw was appointed Miecznik (en: Sword-bearer) of his uncle Bretislaus 2, Duke of Bohemia. In addition, the young prince would be paid the amount of 100 pieces of fine silver and 10 talents of gold annually as a tribute to Bohemia (it was about the land of Silesia, for which he paid tribute to Wladyslaw 1).

The rebel forces were then further directed towards Sieciechów, where the Palatine took refuge. Unexpectedly, Prince Wladyslaw came to the aid of his besieged favorite with a small force. At this point, the Princes decided to depose their father. The opposition sent Zbigniew with an armed contingent to Masovia, where he was to take control of Plock, while Boleslaw was directed to the South. The intention was the encirclement of their father, Prince Wladyslaw 1. The Prince predicted this maneuver and sent his forces back to Masovia. In the environs of Plock the battle was finally joined and the forces of Wladyslaw 1 were defeated. The Prince was thereafter forced to exile Sieciech from the country. The Palatine left Poland around 1100-1101. He was known to sojourn in the German lands. However, he eventually returned to Poland but did not play any political role again. He may have been blinded.

Occupation:
Wladyslaw 1 Herman died on 4 June 1102. The country was divided into 2 provinces, each administered by one of the late prince’s sons. The extent of each province closely resembled the provinces that the princes were granted by their father 3 years earlier, the only difference being that Zbigniew also controlled Mazovia with its capital at Plock, effectively ruling the northern part of the kingdom, while his younger half-brother Boleslaw ruled its southern portion. In this way two virtually separate states were created. According to some historians, Zbigniew tried to play the role of princeps or overlord, because at that time Boleslaw was only 16 years old. Because he was still too inexperienced to independently direct his domains, the local nobility gathered around him took great influence in the political affairs, included his teacher, Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family.

They conducted separate policies internally as well as externally. They each sought alliances, and sometimes they were enemies of one another. Such was the case with Pomerania, towards which Boleslaw aimed his ambitions. Zbigniew, whose country bordered Pomerania, wished to maintain good relations with his northern neighbor. Boleslaw, eager to expand his dominion, organized several raids into Pomerania and Prussia. In Autumn of 1102 Boleslaw organized a war party into Pomerania during which his forces sacked Bialogard.

As reprisal the Pomeranians sent retaliatory war parties into Polish territory, but as Pomerania bordered Zbigniew’s territory these raids ravaged the lands of the prince who was not at fault. Therefore, in order to put pressure on Boleslaw, Zbigniew allied himself with Borivoj 2 of Bohemia, to whom he promised to pay tribute in return for his help. By aligning himself with Boleslaw’s southern neighbor Zbigniew wished to compel Boleslaw to cease his raids into Pomerania. Boleslaw, on the other hand, allied himself with Kievan Rus and Hungary. His marriage to Zbyslava, the daughter of Sviatopolk 2 Iziaslavich in 1103, was to seal the alliance between himself and the prince of Kiev. However, Boleslaw's first diplomatic move was to recognize Pope Paschal 2, which put him in strong opposition to the Holy Roman Empire. A later visit of papal legate Gwalo, Bishop of Beauvais brought the church matters into order, it also increased Boleslaw's influence.

Zbigniew declined to attend the marriage of Boleslaw and Zbyslava. He saw this union and the alliance with Kiev as a serious threat. Thanks to bribery, he therefore prevailed upon his ally, Borivoj 2 of Bohemia to invade Boleslaw’s province, ostensibly to claim the Polish crown. Boleslaw retaliated with expeditions into Moravia in 1104–1105, which brought the young prince not only loot, but also effectively disintegrated the alliance of Pomeranians and Zbigniew. During the return of the army, one part commanded by Zelislaw were defeated by the Bohemians. Boleslaw, who commanded the other part of the army, couldn't defeated them. Skarbimir, thanks to bribery, could stopped Borivoj 2. With a vast amount of money, the Bohemian ruler returned to his homeland and was concluded a short-lived peace with Bohemia. Then Borivoj 2 ended his alliance with Zbigniew. In order to paralyze the alliance of Pomerania and his older brother, Boleslaw carried out multiple attacks on northern land in 1103 (the battle of Kolobrzeg, where was defeated), and in 1104–1105, ended with success.

The intervention of Boleslaw in the dynastic dispute in Hungary led him in a difficul political situation. At first, he supported the pretender Álmos, and marched to Hungary to help him. However, during the siege of Abaújvár in 1104, Álmos changed his mind and made peace conversations with his brother and rival King Coloman, at that point Zbigniew's ally. Boleslaw then retired his troops from Hungary and in 1105 made a treaty with Coloman. It was decided then that Boleslaw didn't support Álmos against the alliance Coloman-Zbigniew. In addition, the Hungarian King broke his agreements with the Bohemian Kingdom. The dynastic dispute in Prague between Borivoj 2 and his cousin Svatopluk caused the intervention of Boleslaw and his ally King Coloman in support of Svatopluk, with the main objective to place him in the Bohemian throne. However, a new rebellion of Álmos forced Coloman and his army to return Hungary. Boleslaw also decided to retreat. Svatopluk tried to master the city alone, but suffered a complete defeat; his attempt to seize power in Bohemia was unsuccessful.

Also in 1105, Boleslaw entered into an agreement with his half-brother, in the same way like just a few years before entered with their stepmother Judith-Sophia (who in exchange of an abundant Oprawa wdowia (dower lands), secured her neutrality in Boleslaw's political contest with Zbigniew). The treaty, signed in Tyniec, was a compromise of both brothers in foreign policy; however, no agreement about Pomerania was settled there. One year later, the treaty ended when Zbigniew refused to help his half-brother in his fight against Pomerania. While hunting, Boleslaw was unexpectedly attacked by them. In the battle, the young prince almost lost his life. Bohemia, using the involvement of Boleslaw in the Pomeranian affairs as an excuse, attacked Silesia. The prince tried to re-established the alliance with his half-brother, without success. The effect of this refusal was the rapprochement to the Bohemian Kingdom in 1106. Boleslaw managed to bribe Borivoj 2 and have him join his side in the contest against Zbigniew and shortly after formally allied himself with Coloman of Hungary. With the help of his Kievan and Hungarian allies Boleslaw attacked Zbigniew’s territory, and began a civil war for the supreme power in Poland. The allied forces of Boleslaw easily took control of most important cities including Kalisz, Gniezno, Spycimierz and Leczyca, in effect taking half of Zbigniew’s lands. Through a mediation of Baldwin, Bishop of Kraków, a peace treaty was signed at Leczyca, in which Zbigniew officially recognized Boles?aw as the Supreme Prince of all Poland. However, he was allowed to retain Masovia as a fief.

In 1107 Boleslaw 3 along with his ally King Coloman of Hungary invaded Bohemia in order to aid Svatopluk in gaining the Czech throne. The intervention in the Czech succession was meant to secure Polish interests to the south. The expedition was a full success: on 14 May 1107 Svatopluk was made Duke of Bohemia in Prague.

Later that year Boleslaw undertook a punitive expedition against his brother Zbigniew. The reason for this was that Zbigniew had not followed his orders and had refused to burn down one of the fortresses of Kurów near Pulawy. Another reason was that Zbigniew had not performed his duties as a vassal by failing to provide military aid to Boleslaw for a campaign against the Pomeranians. In the winter of 1107–1108 with the help of Kievan and Hungarian allies, Boleslaw began a final campaign to rid himself of Zbigniew. His forces attacked Mazovia and quickly forced Zbigniew to surrender. Following this Zbigniew was banished from the country and with his followers, took refuge in Prague, where he found support in Svatopluk. From then Boleslaw was the sole lord of the Polish lands, though in fact his over-lordship began in 1107 when Zbigniew paid him homage as his feudal lord.

In 1108 the balance of power in Europe changed. Svatopluk decided to paid homage to Emperor Henry 5 and in exchange received from him the formal investiture of Bohemia. At the same time King Coloman of Hungary was under attack by the combined forces of the Holy Roman Empire and Bohemia. Svatopluk also directed an attack to Poland; in this expedition took part Zbigniew and his followers. Boleslaw avoided a direct confrontation because he was busy in his fight against Pomerania. Now, the Polish-Hungarian coalition decided to give help and shelter to Borivoj 2. Later that year, Boleslaw and Coloman made an new expedition against Bohemia. This expedition was prompted by the invasion of the German-Bohemian coalition to Hungary (siege to Pozsony Castle) and the fact that Svatopluk, who owed Boles?aw his throne, didn't honor his promise in which he returned Silesian cities seized from Poland (Racibórz, Kamieniec, Kozle among others) by his predecessors. Boleslaw then decided to restore Borivoj 2 in the Bohemian throne. This attempt was unsuccessful as a result of the attack of the Pomeranians. Boleslaw was forced to bring his army to the north, where could repelled the invasion. Thanks to this situation, Borivoj 2 failed to regain the throne.

In response to Boleslaw’s aggressive foreign policy, German king and Holy Roman Emperor Henry 5 undertook a punitive expedition against Poland in 1109 (the later called Polish-German War). In this fight, Henry 5 was assisted by Czech warriors provided by Svatopluk of Bohemia. The alleged reason for the war was the exile of Zbigniew and his restoration. Boleslaw received an ultimatum from the German King: he abandoned the expedition against him only if Zbigniew was restored with half of Poland as a rule, the formal recognition of the Holy Roman Empire as overlord and the payment of 300 pieces of fine silver as a regular tribute. Boleslaw rejected. During the negotiations between Germany and Poland, the Polish ruler was in the middle of a war against Pomerania. On the west side of the Oder river, Henry 5 hurriedly gathered knights for his expedition against Poland. Before the fight ended in Pomerania, the German troops have been able to approach Glogów.

The military operations mainly taken place in southwestern Poland, in Silesia, where Henry 5’s army laid siege to major strongholds of Glogów, Wroclaw and Bytom Odrzanski. At this time along with the defense of towns, Boleslaw was conducting a highly effective guerrilla war against the Holy Roman Emperor and his allies, and eventually he defeated the German Imperial forces at the legendary Battle of Hundsfeld on 24 August 1109, who received that name because the dogs devoured the many corpses left in the battlefield. In the end Henry 5 was forced to withdraw from Silesia and Poland altogether. The heroic defense of towns by villagers, where Polish children were used as human shields by the Germans, in large measure contributed to the German inability to succeed and gave the battle a national character.

In 1110 Boleslaw undertook an unsuccessful military expedition against Bohemia. His intention was to install yet another pretender on the Czech throne, Sobeslav 1, who sought refuge in Poland. During the campaign won a decisive victory against the Czechs at the Battle of Trutina on 8 October 1110; however, following this battle he ordered his forces to withdraw further attack against Bohemia. The reason for this is speculated to be the unpopularity of Sobeslav 1 among Czechs as well as Boleslaw’s unwillingness to further deteriorate his relations with the Holy Roman Empire. In 1111 a truce between Poland and the Holy Roman Empire was signed which stipulated that Sobeslav 1 would be able to return to Bohemia while Zbigniew would be able to return Poland. Boleslaw probably also agreed with the return of his half-brother as a result of pressure from the many supporters of the exiled prince in 1108, who according to the reports of Gallus Anonymus was surrounded to bad advisers (in this group unfavorable to Boleslaw was probably Martin 1, Archbishop of Gniezno). Once in Poland, Zbigniew could claim the sovereignty over his previous domains at the instigation of this group. The first step towards this was his presence in the Advent ceremonial (which was forbidden to him by Boleslaw after recognizing him as his overlord in Leczyca in 1107), which is reserved only for rulers. Zbigniew arrived surrounded by attendants, being carried before him a sword. This could be perceived by Boleslaw as an act of treason and caused a definitive breach in their relationship, under which Zbigniew was the vassal and Boleslaw the ruler. Probably these factors influenced Boles?aw's decision of a terrible punishment to Zbigniew: a year later, in 1112, he was blinded on Boleslaw’s orders.

The blinding of Zbigniew caused a strong negative reaction among Boles?aw's subjects. Unlike blinding in the east, blinding in medieval Poland was not accomplished by burning the eyes out with a red hot iron rod or knife, but a much more brutal technique was employed in which the condemned's eyes were pried out using special pliers. The convict was then made to open his eyes and if they did not do so, their eyelids were also removed.

Contemporary sources don't provide clear information if Boleslaw was indeed excluded from the community of the Church. Is generally believed that Archbishop Martin I of Gniezno (who was a strong supporter of Zbigniew) excommunicated Boleslaw for committing this crime against his half-brother. The excommunication exempted all Boleslaw's subjects from his oath to obedience. The prince was faced with a real possibility of uprising, of the sort that deposed Boles?aw the Bold. Seeing his precarious situation Boleslaw sought the customary penance that would reconcile the high priesthood. According to Gallus Anonymus, Boleslaw first fasted for forty days and made gifts to the poors:

...He slept in ashes and sackcloth, among the streams of tears and sobs, as he renounced communion and conversation with people.

It's possible that Boleslaw decided to celebrate a public penance as a result of the negative public response to the blinding of Zbigniew. His intention with this was to rebuild his weakened authority and gain the favor of Zbigniew's supporters. Punishment of blinding was used in medieval Europe to the rebellious nobles. This act of Boles?aw against his half-brother could be received by the Polish society as a breach of the principle of solidarity among the members of the ruling dynasty, accepting the foundation of public order.

According to Gallus, Boleslaw also sought and received forgiveness from his half-brother. In the next part of his penance, the prince made a pilgrimage to Hungary to the Abbeys of Saint Giles in Somogyvár and King Saint Stephen I in Székesfehérvár. The pilgrimage to the Abbey of Saint Giles also had a political goal; Boleslaw strengthened his ties of friendship and alliance with the Arpad dynasty. Following his return to Poland, Boleslaw even traveled to Gniezno to pay further penance at the tomb of Saint Adalbert of Prague, were poor people and clergy received numerous costly gifts from the prince. Only after this the excommunication was finally lifted. Following his repentance the Polish prince made a vague commitment to the Church.

About Zbigniew's death there are not preserved information. In the obituary of the Benedictine monastery in Lubi? dated 8 July 1113 was reported the death of a monk in Tyniec called brother Zbigniew. Historians believed that he could be Boleslaw's half-brother. The information marked that his burial place was in the Benedictine monastery of Tyniec.

The separation of Pomerania during the reign of Casimir 1 the Restorer contributed to the weakening of the Polish state, and subsequent rulers during the second half of the 11th century weren't able to unite all the lands that once belonged to Mieszko 1 and Boleslaw 1 the Brave. All attempts made to reconquer this area failed. Only after defeating Zbigniew and repelling the claims of Bohemia against Silesia during the Polis-German War of 1109, Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth was able to direct the expansion to the West, which he intended to return to Poland.

The issue of conquest of Pomerania had been a lifelong pursuit for Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth. His political goals were twofold;

First – to strengthen the Polish border on the Notec river line,

Second – to subjugate Pomerania with Polish political overlordship but without actually incorporating it into the country with the exception of Gdansk Pomerania and a southern belt north of river Notec which were to be absorbed by Poland.

By 1113 the northern border has been strengthened. The fortified border cities included: Santok, Wielen, Naklo, Czarnków, Ujscie and Wyszogród. Some sources report that the border began at the mouth of river Warta and Oder in the west, ran along the river Notec all the way to the Vistula river.

Before Boleslaw 3 began to expand in Gdansk Pomerania (Pomerelia), he normalized his political relations with Bohemia. This took place in 1114 at a great convention on the border of the Nysa Klodzka river. In addition to Boleslaw also assisted Bohemian princes of the Premyslid line: Vladislaus 1, Otto 2 the Black and Sobeslav 1. The pact was sealed by the marriage of Boleslaw (a widower since his wife Zbyslava's death) with Vladislaus 1 and Otto 2's sister-in-law, the German noblewoman Salomea of Berg.

After being normalized his relations with Bohemia, Boleslaw directed his efforts against Prussia, and in 1115 he made a victorious expedition, ravaging their tribal lands. As a result, the north-east border was at peace, which allowed to freely prepare the invasion to Gdansk Pomerania. The conquest of this part of the Pomeranian lands (made during 1115–19), crowned a long-time struggle of previous Polish rulers. The result was the complete incorporation of the territories on the Vistula River, including the castellany of Naklo, to Poland. Northern borders were established Polish Duchy probably on the line along the rivers Gwda and Uniesta (in later times currents of these rivers were the boundary between Pomerania and the Oder Slavic). It's also possible that the border ran along the Leba.

The local rulers of the conquered Gdansk and Slupsk were removed from power and replaced by Polish nobles. Boleslaw also introduced Polish clerical organization, which was made in order to protect his interests in that territory. However, these areas refused to follow the church organization. The incorporation to the Polish Church occurred only during 1125–1126 at the time of the visit of Papal Legate Gilles, Cardinal-Bishop of Tusculum.

During Boles?aw's Pomeranian campaign a formidable rebellion led by Count Palatine Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family began. The rebellion was quelled by the prince in 1117 and the mutinous nobleman were blinded as punishment. The conflict between Boleslaw and the Awdaniec family is difficult to explain due to the lack of sources. The cause was probably the growing influence of the family, the ambition and jealousy of Skarbimir against Boleslaw and his increased popularity. Another probable factor was the desire to put Wladyslaw 2, Boleslaw's first-born son, as the sole ruler after his death or also Boleslaw's fears to lose his position, as it was in the conflict with Sieciech. It was also suggested that Skarbimir entered in contacts with Pomeranians and Vladimir 2 Monomakh, Grand Prince of Kievan Rus'. Medieval historiography also associated the rebellion with the Law of Succession issued by Boleslaw. The problem with the principle of inheritance appeared between 1115 and 1116 (after the birth of his second son Leszek, first-born from his second marriage). According to one hypothesis Skarbimir objected the adoption of the statute who changed the traditional Polish succession customs. In the suppression of the rebellion played a major role Piotr Wlostowic of the Labedz family, who replaced Skarbimir as Count Palatine. Defeated, Skarbimir received a minor punishment from Boleslaw. The rebellion of Skarbimir also rested importance to the conquest of Gdansk Pomerania.

Probably in the rebellion of Skarbimir intervened the Rurikid ruler Vladimir 2 Monomakh and his sons. In 1118 Monomakh incorporated Volhynia to his domains and expelled his ruler, Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich, who sought refuge firstly in Hungary, then in Poland. In Yaroslav's place, Monomakh put his son Roman as a ruler of Volhynia, and after his early death in 1119, replaced him with another son, Andrew, who in 1120 invaded Polish territory with the support of the Kipchaks tribe. A year later, Boleslaw with the exiled Yaroslav (who was his brother-in-law), organized a retaliatory expedition to Czermno. After this, for several years Boleslaw intervened in the dynastic disputes of the House of Rurik.

During the 1120s the Kievan princes continue their expeditions against Poland. The neutrality of the neighboring Principality of Peremyshl was attributed to Count Palatine Piotr Wlostowic, who in 1122 captured Prince Volodar. A year later Boleslaw intervened again in Volhynia, where he wanted to restore Yaroslav. The expedition (aided by the Bohemian, Hungarian, Peremyshl and Terebovl forces) failed due to the death of Yaroslav and the stubborn resistance of the besieged Volodymyr-Volynskyi, aided by Skarbimir's supporters. This failed military expedition led to disturbances in the Polish-Hungarian-Halych alliance.

Occupation:
In 1121 (or 1119) Pomeranian Dukes Wartislaw 1 and Swietopelk 1 were defeated by Boleslaw's army at the battle of Niek?ad? near Gryfice. Polish troops ravaged Pomerania, destroyed native strongholds, and forced thousands of Pomeranians to resettle deep into Polish territory. Boleslaw's further expansion was directed to Szczecin (1121–1122). He knew that this city was well defended by both the natural barrier of the Oder river and his well-built fortifications, like Kolobrzeg. The only way to approach the walls was through the frozen waters of a nearby swamp. Taking advantage of this element of surprise, Boleslaw launched his assault from precisely that direction, and took control of the city. Much of the population was slaughtered and the survivors were forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler.

A further step is probably fought battles on the western side of the Oder River, where Boleslaw had addressed areas to the Lake Morzyce (now the German Müritz). These areas were outside the territorial scope of Pomeranians. In parallel with the expansion of the Polish ruler to the west continued the conquest of these lands by Lothair, Duke of Saxony (and future Holy Roman Emperor). According to contemporary sources, a Saxon army approaching from above the Elbe River in the direction of today's Rostock. They conquered the Warinis, Circipanes, Kessinians and part of the Tollensers tribes. The expansion led by the two rulers was probably the result of earlier unknown agreements. This was the first step for the later Christianization of Pomeranian lands.

In 1122 Boleslaw finally conquered Western Pomerania, who became a Polish fief. Duke Wartislaw 1 was forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler, paying an annual tribute of 500 marks of fine silver and the obligation to give military aid to Poland at Boleslaw’s request. In subsequent years the tribute was reduced to 300 marks. This success enabled Boleslaw to make further conquests. In 1123 his troops even reached to Rügen, but didn't mastered these areas.

According to modern historiography, Boleslaw began to pay tribute to Emperor Henry 5, at least from 1135. Is believed that the amount was 500 marks of fine silver annually. It's unknown why Boleslaw began to paid homage to Henry 5, as the sources do not mention any reference about the Polish ruler being tributary of the Holy Roman Empire in the period 1121–1135.

In order to make Polish and Pomeranian ties stronger, Boleslaw organized a mission to Christianize the newly acquired territory. The Polish monarch understood that the Christianization of the conquered territory would be an effective means of strengthening his authority there. At the same time he wished to subordinate Pomerania to the Gniezno Archbishopric. Unfortunately first attempts made by unknown missionaries did not make the desired progress. Another attempt, officially sponsored by Boleslaw and led by Bernard the Spaniard, who traveled to Wolin during 1122–1123, has ended in another failure. The next 2 missions were carried out in 1124–1125 and 1128 by Bishop Otto of Bamberg (called the Apostle of Pomerania). After appropriate consultation with Boleslaw, Bishop Otto set out on a first stage of Christianization of the region in 1124. In his mission Otto stayed firstly at Boleslaw's court, where he was provided with appropriate equipment, fire and several clergymen for his trip to Pomerania.

The Bishop was accompanied throughout his mission by the Pomeranian ruler Wartislaw 1, who greeted him on the border of his domains, in the environs of the city of Sanok. In Stargard the pagan prince promised Otto his assistance in the Pomeranian cities as well as help during the journey. He also assigned 500 armored knights to act as guards for the bishop’s protection, and obtain the baptism of the elders tribal leaders. Primary missionary activities were directed to Pyrzyce, then the towns of Kamien, Wolin, Szczecin and once again Wolin. In the first 2 towns the Christianization went without resistance. In Kamien the task was facilitated by the intercession of Wartislaw 1's own wife and dignitaries. At Szczecin and Wolin, which were important centers of Slavic paganism, opposition to conversion was particularly strong among the pagan priests and local population. The conversion was finally accepted only after Boleslaw lowered the annual tribute imposed on the Pomeranians. Four great pagan temples were torn down and churches were built in their places. Otto's mission of 1124 ended with the erection of bishoprics in Lubusz for Western Pomerania and in Kruszwica for Eastern Pomerania (Gdansk), which was subordinated to the Archbishopric of Gniezno.

In 1127 the first pagan rebellions began to take place. These were due to both the large tribute imposed by Poland as well as a plague that descended on Pomerania and which was blamed on Christianity. The rebellions were largely instigated by the old pagan priests, who had not come to terms with their new circumstances. Wartislaw 1 confronted these uprisings with some success, but was unable to prevent several insurgent raids into Polish territory. Because of this Boleslaw was preparing a massive punitive expedition that may have spoiled all the earlier accomplishments of missionary work by Bishop Otto. Thanks to Otto’s diplomacy direct confrontation was avoided and in 1128 he embarked on another mission to Pomerania. Wartislaw 1 greeted Otto at Demmin with some Polish knights. This time more stress was applied to the territories west of the Oder River, i.e. Usedom, Wolgast and Gützkow, which weren't under Polish suzerainty. The final stage of the mission returned to Szczecin, Wolin and Kamien. The Christianization of Pomerania is considered one of the greatest accomplishments of Boleslaw’s Pomeranian policy.

In 1129 Boleslaw concluded with Niels, King of Denmark an alliance directed against Wartislaw 1 and the attempts of Lothair 3, King of Germany to subordinate Western Pomerania. In retaliation for the sack of Plock by Wartislaw 1 in 1128, Polish-Danish troops taken the Western Pomeranian islands of Wolin and Usedom.

At end of the 1120s Boleslaw began to implement an ecclesiastical organization of Pomerania. Gdansk Pomerania was added to the Diocese of Wloclawek, known at the time as the Kujavian Diocese. A strip of borderland north of Notec was split between the Diocese of Gniezno and Diocese of Poznan. The bulk of Pomerania was however made an independent Pomeranian bishopric (whose first Bishop was one of the participants in the missionary expedition and former Polish royal chaplain, Adalbert), set up in the territory of the Duchy of Pomerania in 1140, and after Boles?aw had died in 1138 the duchy became independent from Poland.

During the 1130s a project was designed by Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, under which Pomerania would be divided between two dioceses subordinated to the Archbishopric of Magdeburg. At the same, he revivied the old claims about Magdeburg's ecclesiastical sovereignty over all Poland. A first Bull was prepared already in 1131, but never entered into force. Despite adversity, Norbert continued his actions to subdue the Polish Church during 1132–1133. For the Polish bishops, a call was made in the Curia.

The Polish bishops didn't appear before Pope Innocent 2, which resulted in the issuing of the Bull Sacrosancta Romana in 1133, which confirmed the sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church and the projected Pomeranian dioceses. The formal privilegium maius was the culmination of Norbert's efforts. Boleslaw, trying to save his past efforts in Pomeranian politics, opted for his submission at Merseburg in 1135.

To consolidate his power over Pomerania Boleslaw conducted in 1130 an expedition to the island of Rügen. For this purpose, he concluded an alliance with the Danish duke Magnus Nilsson (his son-in-law) who provided him with a fleet in exchange for support in his efforts to obtain the Swedish throne. The fleet of Magnus transported Polish troops to the shores of the island of Rügen. However, the intended battle on the island doesn't happen, because the Rani at the sight of the Polish-Danish combined forces recognize Boleslaw 's overlordship.

After the successful invasion to the Danish capital, Roskilde in 1134 Boleslaw formed an alliance with Wartislaw 1 of Pomerania against King Eric 2 of Denmark (an ally of Emperor Lothair 3). The role of the Polish prince was limited only to aid the House of Griffins, not due while the real interest in Danish affairs. The Danish, after repelling the first attack, in retaliation led an expedition who led to their expansion into the lands of Pomerania.

In 1125 Henry 5, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany, died. His successor, Lothair of Supplinburg, has been embroiled in disputes over his inheritance. For the Imperial crown, he became involved in the affairs of the Papacy. In 1130 there was a double election to the Apostolic See. Lothair supported Pope Innocent 2, hoping in this way to secure his own coronation. Contrary to was expected, Lothair's Imperial coronation didn't end his disputes against the contenders for the German throne.

In 1130 Boleslaw controlled the areas situated on the left bank of the Oder river on the island of Rügen. Germany also wanted to control these lands, but the internal political situation and the involvement in the civil war in Hungary, however, didn't allow an armed conflict. The Bull Sacrosancta Romana of 1133 give the Archbishopric of Magdeburg sovereign rights over the Pomeranian dioceses instituted by Boleslaw.

The death of King Stephen 2 of Hungary in 1131 led the country into civil war between two claimaints to the throne: Béla the Blind (son of Álmos, Duke of Croatia) and Boris (the alleged son of King Coloman). Boris sought the help of the Polish ruler, who hoped for a closer alliance with Hungary and cooperation with the Kievan Rus' princes (Boris was a son of a daughter of Vladimir 2 Monomakh). However, Boleslaw overestimated his strength against Béla, who counted with the support of almost all his country. The Polish army faced the combined forces of Hungary, Bohemia, Austria and Germany in the Battle of the Sajó river (22 July 1132), where the coalition had a complete victory over the Polish prince, who was forced to retreat.

The success in Hungary was used by the Bohemian ruler Sobeslav 1, an Imperial vassal, who during 1132–1134 repeatedly led invasions to Silesia. The issue over the property of Silesia was subjected to the decision of Lothair 3.

In February 1134 Sobeslav 1 of Bohemia and dignitaries of King Béla 2 of Hungary, together with Bishop Peter of Székesfehérvár went to Altenburg, where they presented their allegations against the Polish ruler. They asked the intervention of the Holy Roman Empire (preliminary requests occurred two years earlier). Lothair 3 accepted the request, acting as an arbitrator in the dynastic disputes in Central Europe.

At the same time Béla 2 and Prince Volodymyrko of Peremyshl undertook a military expedition against Poland. The combined forces occupied Lesser Poland, reaching to Wislica. Shortly after, Boleslaw received a summons to the Imperial court at Magdeburg on 26 June 1135. Playing for time, however, he only send deputies. The emperor sent another delegation and requested a personal appearance of the Polish ruler, setting a new date on 15 August 1135, this time in Merseburg. Boleslaw realized that without an agreement with Lothair 3 he couldn't maintain the control over the newly conquered lands on the west side of the Oder and the island of Rügen.

Even before the Congress of Merseburg was performed, Boleslaw persuaded one of ruling princes of Western Pomerania, Ratibor 1 to make an expedition against Denmark. It was a clear expression of ostentation to Emperor Lothair 3 because the King of Denmark was a German vassal. The fleet formed by 650 boats (with 44 knights and 2 horses) attacked the rich Norwegian port city of Kungahälla (now Kungälv in Sweden).

The Congress took place on 15 August 1135. During the ceremony, Emperor Lothair 3 recognized the rights of the Polish ruler over Pomerania. In retribution, Boleslaw agreed to paid homage for the Pomeranian lands and the Principality of Rügen, with the payment of 6.000 pieces of fine silver from these lands to the Holy Roman Empire; however he remained fully independent ruler of his main realm, Poland. With Boleslaw's death in 1138, Polish authority over Pomerania ended, triggering competition of the Holy Roman Empire and Denmark for the area. The conflict with Hungary also ended, with Boleslaw recognizing Béla 2's rule. The agreement was sealed with the betrothal of Boleslaw's daughter Judith with Béla 2's Géza (this marriage never took place). In case of the Bohemian-Polish dispute the Imperial mediation failed. Boleslaw argued he must be treated as a sovereign ruler, who wasn't the case of Sobeslav 1, an imperial vassal. Lothair 3, unable to come to an agreement with the Polish ruler, proposed to discuss the matter in subsequent negotiations.

The Congress ended with church ceremonies, during which Boleslaw carried the imperial sword. This was an honor granted only to sovereign rulers. An indirect goal of Polish diplomacy was the successful invalidation of the Papal Bull of 1133 and the recognition of metropolitan rights of the Archbishopric of Gniezno at the Synod in Pisa in 1135. On 7 July 1136 was issued the protectionist Bull Ex commisso nobis a Deo under which Pope Innocent 2 confirmed the unquestioned sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Gniezno over the Polish dioceses.

After entering in the imperial sphere of influence, Poland normalized his relations with Bohemia at the Congress of Klodzko on 30 May 1137 (the so-called Peace of Klodzko), but the details of this agreement are unknown. This treaty was confirmed in the town of Niemcza, where Wladyslaw, the eldest son of Boleslaw, stood as godfather in the baptism of Wenceslaus, Sobeslav 1's son.

In the last years of his life, Boleslaw's main concern was to arranged political marriages for his children in order to strengthening his relations with neighboring countries. In 1137 Boleslaw reinforced his relations with the Kievan Rus' with the marriage of his son Boleslaw with Princess Viacheslava, daughter of Vsevolod, Prince of Pskov. In the year of his death, by contrast, finally normalized his relations with Hungary through the marriage of his son Mieszko with Princess Elizabeth, daughter of King Béla 2.

Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth died on 28 October 1138, probably in the town of Sochaczew. There are no records about the circumstances of his death. 12th century sources didn't provide information about his place of burial. It was only in the 15th century, when Jan Dlugosz recorded that the Prince's tomb was in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral in Plock. However, he didn't showed from where took this information. Presumably the chronicler took this report from the lost Rocznik mazowiecki. Wawrzyniec Wszerecz, Canon of Plock during the 16th–17th century, wrote that Boleslaw was in a common coffin at the Cathedral, where the remains of his father Wladyslaw 1 Herman and several other Piast Masovian rulers were also placed.

Boleslav married Salome av Berg-Schelklingen about 1115. Salome (daughter of Henrik av Berg-Schelklingen and Adelheid av Mochental) was born about Oct 1101; died on 27 Jul 1144. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1103, Isle of Man, England; Konge Isle of Man & the Isles 1103-1153.

Notes:

Occupation:
Olaf 1 Bitling the Red was the last born child of Godred Crovan (Orry). To be the youngest is not necessarily to be a dwarf.

Óláfr Guðrøðarson (died 29 June 1153) was a twelfth-century King of the Isles. As a younger son of Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles, Óláfr witnessed a vicious power struggle between his elder brothers in the aftermath of their father's death.
At some point, the young Óláfr was entrusted to the care of Henry 1, King of England, and like the contemporaneous Scottish monarchs, Alexander 1 and David 1, Óláfr appears to have been a protégé of the English king.

As King of the Isles, Óláfr contracted marital alliances with neighbouring maritime rulers. Although he appears to have overseen successful military operations to reclaim the northern-most territories once controlled by his father, he may have witnessed the loss of authority in Galloway as well. Like his counterpart David 1, Óláfr was a reformer and moderniser of his realm. However, his four-decade reign ended in abrupt disaster when he was assassinated by 3 nephews in 1153. Following the ensuing power struggle, Óláfr's son Guðrøðr overcame the kin-slayers, and assumed the kingship of the Kingdom of the Isles.

The Isles—an archipelagic region roughly incorporating the Hebrides and Mann—was ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan for over 2 decades until his death in 1095, whereupon his eldest son Logmaðr assumed control. Warring soon broke out between factions supporting Logmaðr's younger brother Haraldr, which led to the intervention and encroachment of Irish power into the region. After a short period of Irish domination, the region lapsed into further conflict which was capitalised on by Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway, who led two military campaigns throughout the Isles and surrounding Irish Sea region at about the turn of the twelfth century. Magnús dominated these regions until his death in 1103, whereupon control of the Isles appears to have fragmented into chaos once again.

Rather than allow ambitious Irish powers fill the power vacuum, Henry 1 appears to have installed Óláfr on the throne at some point between 1112 and 1115, about the time that Domnall mac Taidc relocated from the Isles to Ireland. Óláfr is recorded to have spent his youth at Henry 1's court, and Óláfr's later religious foundations reveal that he was greatly influenced by his English upbringing. In the second quarter of the eleventh century, Óláfr founded the abbey of St Mary of Rushen, a reformed religious house on Mann. He further oversaw the formation of the Diocese of the Isles, the territorial extent of which appears to reveal the boundaries of his realm. Óláfr is recorded to have had at least two wives: Ingibjørg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney; and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. The unions seem to reveal that Óláfr shifted from an alliance with Orkney to that with Galloway. Not long after his marriage to Affraic, one of Óláfr's daughters married Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, an emerging power in the region.

Although Óláfr's reign is recorded to have been peaceful, there is reason to suspect that his own succession was uncertain.
In 1152, Guðrøðr travelled to Norway and rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway. At about this time, the Diocese of the Isles was incorporated within the recently elevated Archdiocese of Niðaróss. Whilst this strengthened Norwegian links with the Isles, it secured the ecclesiastical independence of Óláfr's domain, and safeguard his secular authority in the region. Nevertheless before Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, three sons of Haraldr confronted Óláfr, and demanded a share of the kingdom before slaying him. Although the three men appear to have taken significant steps to counter military intervention from Galloway, they were soon after crushed by Guðrøðr, who returned to the region enstrengthened by Norwegian military might. Óláfr's descendants went on to reign as kings of the Isles for over a century.

Óláfr was a member of the Crovan dynasty, and 1 of 3 sons of this family's eponymous ancestor, Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1095). The latter appears to have secured the kingship of the Isles in the late 1070s, and to have seized the kingship of Dublin in the early 1090s. Guðrøðr Crovan's downfall came in 1094 when he was forced from Ireland altogether by Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster (died 1119). There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr Crovan was driven from Mann as well, since he is recorded to have died on Islay the following year.

According to the thirteenth–fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr Crovan's eldest son, Logmaðr, succeeded to the kingship of the Isles. The chronicle further reveals that Logmaðr faced opposition from within his own family in the form of a rebellion by his brother, Haraldr. Logmaðr eventually overcame Haraldr, however, and is stated to have had him blinded and emasculated. Afterwards, Logmaðr appears to have faced further opposition in the form of a faction supporting his youngest brother, Óláfr. Apparently unable to overthrow Logmaðr on their own, the dissidents turned to Muirchertach, whose recent conquest of Dublin gave him control of that realm's dominating naval forces.

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's supporters petitioned Muirchertach to provide a regent from his own kin—the Uí Briain—to govern the Isles until Óláfr was old enough to assume control himself. Such a clause may well have been a condition of Muirchertach's involvement, rather than a request. Nevertheless, the chronicle indicates that Muirchertach installed his nephew, Domnall mac Taidc (died 1115), upon the throne. Although Domnall had previously opposed Muirchertach over the kingship of Munster, he was the son of Muirchertach's brother, and further possessed strong familial connections with the Isles through his maternal descent from Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1064/1065). Regardless, the death of Domnall's brother, Amlaíb, recorded by the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters in 1096, suggests that Domnall and the rest of the Meic Taidc faced significant opposition in the Isles, possibly in the form of Logmaðr's adherents. Domnall's reign appears to have been brief. The chronicle's account of warfare on the island in about 1097–1098 fails to mention him at all, a fact which seems to be evidence that he had lost control by then.

Probably late in 1097, Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) turned his attention towards the Isles, and sent a certain Ingimundr into the region to take control on his behalf. Unfortunately for Magnús, Ingimundr was soon after slain on Lewis and Harris by leading Islesmen. The following year Magnús took matters into his own hands, and led an invasion-fleet of his into the area. As the invaders successfully carved their way through the Isles towards Mann, Logmaðr was evidently overcome and captured. From Mann, the Norwegians campaigned against the English in Anglesey. Although Magnúss saga berfœtts, within the thirteenth century Heimskringla, places this particular episode in the context of Norwegian conquest, it is likely that Magnús had merely assumed the same protector role that Óláfr's father had once filled with Gruffudd ap Cynan, King of Gwynedd (died 1137). Magnús gained the submission of Galloway, and may have consolidated his campaign through a treaty with Edgar, King of Scotland (died 1107).

Magnús overwintered in the Isles, and left for Norway in the summer. He made his return to the region, nearly four years later, in 1102 or 1103. After reestablishing himself on Mann, Magnús entered into an marital alliance with Muirchertach formalised through the marriage between Magnús's young son, Sigurðr (died 1130), and Muirchertach's young daughter, Bjaðmunjo (fl. 1102/1103). The fact that Magnús intended to return to Norway reveals that Muirchertach benefited to most from the arrangement, although the alliance appears to have bound the kings against a common enemy in the region, Domnall Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain (died 1121). Unfortunately for Muirchertach, and his long-term ambitions in the Isles, Magnús was slain in Ulster in 1103, and Sigurðr immediately repudiated his bride and returned to Norway. Although Muirchertach was able to regain control of Dublin and still had held considerable influence in the Isles, Magnús' death left a vacuum which neither Muirchertach nor Domnall Mac Lochlainn could fill.

If the Chronicle of Mann is to be believed, at one point in his career Logmaðr repented the cruelty that he had inflicted upon Haraldr, and remorsefully resigned his kingdom before setting off to Jerusalem where he died. The particular terminology employed by the chronicle—that Logmaðr departed the kingdom - marked with the sign of the Lord's cross — suggests that he participated in a crusade. On the other hand, since the chronicle was compiled in the thirteenth century, during a period when the idea of a cross-bearing pilgrim was well established, it is possible that this depiction of L?gmaðr has been contaminated by anachronistic conceptions.

If Logmaðr was indeed a crusader, it is uncertain which particular crusade he undertook. One possibility is that he took part in the First Crusade, a movement that reached its climax with the successful siege and capture of Jerusalem in mid 1099. Logmaðr could have embarked upon this enterprise in about 1096, the year the pope's calls reached England. Alternately, in light of Logmaðr's capture by the Norwegians in 1098, it is conceivable that his release from custody was made conditional upon his exile and participation in the First Crusade. On the other hand, it is not impossible that Logmaðr originally undertook a pilgrimage before catching wind of the crusade en route.

Another possibility is that Logmaðr regained some form of control in the Isles following Magnús' death, and afterwards joined Sigurðr's expedition to Holy Land in the first decade of the twelfth century. The precise chronology of this enterprise is uncertain, although the Norwegian fleet certainly reached England before the end of the first decade of the twelfth century. It may have been at this point, whilst Sigurðr overwintered at the English royal court, that Logmaðr joined up with him. If Logmaðr and Sigurðr indeed rendezvoused in England, this may have been the time when Óláfr was entrusted to the safekeeping of the English king. Certainly, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr was brought up at the English court. The reason why he was entrusted into the care of the English may have been because Henry 1 was thought to have been the only monarch who could guarantee Óláfr's safety.

A probable tenth-century ancestor of Óláfr was the Uí Ímair dynast Óláfr kváran, King of Northumbria and Dublin (died 980/981), This man was likely the prototype of the mediaeval literary character variously known as Havelok the Dane. The earliest surviving source detailing Havelok is the twelfth-century Estoire des Engleis. The catalyst for Óláfr kváran's incorporation into twelfth-century English literature may have been Óláfr's stay at the court of Henry 1. Conceivably, writers may have sought out the patronage of the young Óláfr by borrowing tales of his famous like-named forebear.

According to the twelfth-century Historia regum, Alexander 1, King of Scotland (died 1124) struggled to maintain control of his kingdom. One region which may have caused the Scots some concern was the Isles. In 1111, Domnall mac Taidc seized the kingship of the region, possibly with the aid of Muirchertach's northern opponent, Domnall Mac Lochlainn. This encroachment of competing Irish factions into the Isles may well have been as unpalatable to the English and Scots as the power vacuum left in the wake of Magnús' demise. The chronicle accords Óláfr a reign spanning forty years. His accession to the kingship of the Isles, therefore, appears to date to about 1112, 1113, 1114, or 1115. As such, Óláfr's accession dates to about the time of Muirchertach's faltering authority in 1114. Domnall may have been driven out of the Isles by force, or he could have been drawn back to Ireland in an attempt to capitalise upon his uncle's failing health and fleeting authority.

Óláfr's return to the Isles from England appears to have been the work of Henry 1, who would have likely welcomed a steadfast dependent in control a region of strategic importance. Although the English and Scottish kings were certainly at odds over Cumbria at about this time, it is likely that they would have cooperated to combat the extension of Uí Briain and Meic Lochlainn influence in the Isles. In fact, the Scottish king's participation in the 1114 English expedition against Gruffudd—a man who seems to have been an associate of Muirchertach—may have been undertaken in this context. Furthermore, Muirchertach was closely associated with the Bellême-Montgomery family that had risen in a failed revolt against the English Crown in the first decade of the century. According to the twelfth-century Gesta regum Anglorum, the English imposed a trade embargo against Muirchertach at some point during the reign of Henry 1. Whilst it is possible that this action was a consequence of Muirchertach's familial relationship with his son-in-law Arnulf de Montgomery (died 1118-1122) — and Muirchertach's possible part in the Bellême-Montgomery insurrection—another possibility is that the sanctions concerned Muirchertach's ambitions in the Irish Sea region, especially since Óláfr had been entrusted into Henry 1's care. By establishing Óláfr in the Isles, Henry 1 may have sought to mitigate the extension of Irish influence in the Isles, and escalate the expansion of English authority into the Irish Sea region.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr married Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161). Although the union is not dated by contemporary sources, it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. Affraic is specifically identified as the mother of Guðrøðr by the chronicle. The fact that he is recorded to have travelled to Norway on a diplomatic mission in 1152 suggests that he was an adult by this date, and may indicate that Óláfr and Affraic's union commenced in the 1130s. Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he had married an illegitimate daughter of Henry 1 in about the 1120s, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of Fergus' offspring, including Affraic herself. In fact, the shared kinship between Guðrøðr and Henry 1's succeeding grandson, Henry 2, King of England (died 1189), is noted by the twelfth-century Chronica of Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186). The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English king, one of the most powerful rulers in western Europe. Fergus profited from the marriage pact as well, since it bound Galloway more tightly to the Isles, a neighbouring realm from which Galloway had been invaded during the time of Magnús' overlordship. The union also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and gave him a valuable ally then outwith the orbit of the Scottish king.

Óláfr's dealings with the abbey of St Mary of Furness—a religious house founded by the Lord of Lancaster, Stephen of Blois (died 1154) — could be evidence that Óláfr and Stephen enjoyed amiable relations in the first third of the twelfth century, and may indicate that Óláfr supported Stephen as King of England after 1135. At about this time, David 1 appears to have consolidated his overlordship of Argyll, a region located on the western periphery of the Scottish realm. By about 1140, not only had Óláfr and Fergus bound themselves together, but Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164) married one of Óláfr's illegitimate daughters. Although the name of this woman is not recorded by the Chronicle of Mann, she is identified as Ragnhildr by the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga. The marital binding of Óláfr with 2 of David 1's dependants — Fergus and Somairle — roughly coincided with the Scottish king's endeavour to establish control of Cumbria in the 1130s and 1140s. During this period, David's authority extended southwards along the Cumbrian coast through Copeland, Furness, into Stephen's former honour of Lancaster, thereby making him a principal power in the northern Irish Sea region. The martial alliances concerning Óláfr, therefore, may have formed part of a Scottish strategy to not only isolate him from an English alliance, but to project Scottish authority into the Irish Sea, and draw Óláfr into David 1's sphere of influence.

Besides his wife Affraic, the chronicle states that Óláfr had many concubines by whom he had several daughters and three sons: Ragnvaldr (fl. 1164), Logmaðr, and Haraldr. The B-text of the thirteenth-century Fagrskinna records that Óláfr married Ingibjørg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney (died c.1126). Whilst Ingibjørg is not referred to by the chronicle, she is certainly linked to Óláfr by Orkneyinga saga, although this source also incorrectly states — in a passage concerning Guðrøðr's son and successor, Ragnvaldr (died 1229) — that Ingibjørg was Guðrøðr's mother. As a consequence of this error, there is reason to suspect that the saga has conflated Guðrøðr's son with Somairle's like-named son, Ragnall (died 1191/1192–c.1210/1227). The saga's confused entry, therefore, may be evidence that Ingibjørg was the mother of Óláfr's daughter, Ragnhildr. The terminology employed by the sources documenting Affraic and Ingibjørg reveal that the latter's relationship with Óláfr came to be viewed differently in Orkney than the Isles. Although Orkneyinga saga acknowledges that the union between Ingibj?rg's own parents was not a canonical marriage either, the coupling formed the basis for her family's claim to the earldom. Whatever the case, Óláfr's union with Ingibjørg likely predates his marriage to Affraic. Accordingly, Óláfr appears to have turned from an alliance with Ingibjørg's brother and Norwegian dependant, Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney (died 1137), to establish an alliance with Fergus, who was then a rising power in the Irish Sea region. The end result of this shift may be alluded to by the chronicle which states that Óláfr held peaceful alliances with Irish and Scottish kings so that none - dared disturbed - the Kingdom of the Isles.

Whilst at the English royal court, Óláfr could well have met members of the Scottish monarchy. For example, Henry 1's wife was Matilda (died 1118), whose royal brothers, Alexander 1 and the future David 1, King of Scotland (died 1153), both resided in England before the onset of their reigns (the brothers respectively reigned in 1102–1124 and 1124–1153). Óláfr would have certainly been exposed to Henry 1's efforts to reform the English Church. Both Matilda and her husband were renowned patrons of religious orders, the Augustinians in particular. Although Óláfr's stay at Henry's court predated the arrival of the Savignac and Cisterian orders in England, Óláfr's experiences in England clearly influenced his decision to introduce reformed monastic orders into his own realm. In fact, the ecclesiastical actions of Óláfr's Scottish contemporaries—David I, and his predecessing Alexander 1 — were similarly influenced by their time spent in England. Óláfr's interest in religious reform is alluded to by the Chronicle of Mann, which declares:

He was devout and enthusiastic in matters of religion and was welcome both to God and men.

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Óláfr's kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles. Little is known of its early history, although its origins may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium. Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr Crovan's reign in the Isles. By the time of Óláfr's reign, the diocese appears to have encompassed the islands that had formerly been claimed by Magnús, and may well have included territory in western Galloway. In a letter that appears to date to about 1113, at about start of his reign, Óláfr presented an unnamed bishop for consecration to an Archbishop of York. Although the letter identifies the bishop with the initial - G - which potentially could represent Gerald (died 1108), whose tenure dates to 1100–1108, the fact that Óláfr's reign appears to have commenced several years later suggests that the initial is erroneous, and that the initial - T - was intended, perhaps in reference to either archbishop Thomas (died 1114), or the Thomas' successor, Thurstan (died 1140). No consecration is recorded in English sources, and Óláfr's candidate is not recorded in the chronicle.

In about 1134, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr founded the abbey of St Mary of Rushen on Mann by granting Ivo, Abbot of Furness land to establish the house. As a Savignac daughter house of the nearby abbey of St Mary of Furness—a religious house seated just across the Irish Sea in Lancashire — the abbey of Rushen was the first reformed house in the Isles, and its foundation partly evidences the importance of links between Mann and northern England. The abbey's foundation charter reveals that Óláfr granted the monks of Furness the right to elect the Bishop of the Isles, a provision that further emphasised Óláfr's royal prerogative. The charter implies that episcopal authority within his realm had fallen to outsiders, and expresses the king's desire that the Isles be administered by its own bishop. This could be evidence that the former diocesan bishop, Hamond, died several years previous, and that a period of vacancy ensued in which neighbouring bishops took up the slack. The reestablishment of the Diocese of Whithorn in 1128, may have been undertaken in this context, and may also signal the loss of western Galloway from the Kingdom of the Isles.

In a letter that probably dates not long after his foundation, Óláfr wrote to Thurstan, and confirmed the candidate elected by the monks of Furness. Hamond's successor appears to have been the shadowy Wimund, Bishop of the Isles (fl. c.1130–c.1150). According to the twelfth-century Historia rerum Anglicarum, Wimund began his ecclesiastical career at Furness before removing to Rushen. Although a twelfth-century chronicle of the ecclesiastical history of York states that Wimund professed obedience to Thomas, this archbishop's early tenure (1109–1114) suggests he has been confused with Thurstan. The fact that this source identifies Wimund's see as sancta ecclesia de Schith ("the holy Church of Skye") seems to be evidence that the diocesan seat had not yet been permanently centred on Mann, and that Wimund was seated at the site of the later mediaeval Snizort Cathedral. As a monk of Furness, Wimund may have originally relocated to Mann in the context of Óláfr's foundation of Rushen. He appears to have been the first Bishop of the Isles elected by the monks of Furness, and seems to have been consecrated by Thurstan. Wimund appears to have used his elevated position to violently seek the inheritance of an Earl of Moray in the late 1140s. Wimund's warring against the Scots eventually forced David 1 to cede him lands near Furness before his capture and mutilation in 1152. It is likely that Wimund's campaigning led to the abandonment of his diocesan see, and that his actions posed a serious threat to Óláfr's authority.

The fact that Wimund is not listed amongst other diocesan bishops by the Chronicle of Mann could be evidence that Óláfr eventually came to repudiate him. A letter from Óláfr to the chapter of York suggests that the king unsuccessfully attempted to have a replacement, a certain Nicholas (fl. 1147-1152), consecrated by Robert de Ghent, Dean of York (died c.1158). The fact that Óláfr interacted with the dean suggests that the correspondence dates between the 1147 deposition of William fitz Herbert, Archbishop of York (died 1154) and the 1152 consecration of Henry Murdac, Archbishop of York (died 1153). Óláfr's inability to have his man consecrated may have been due to the Wimund episode being unresolved at the time. According to Robert de Torigni's Chronica and the thirteenth-century Flores historiarum, Henry Murdac consecrated John (fl. 1152), a Benedictine monk from Normandy, as Bishop of the Isles in 1152. The fact that the Chronicle of Mann fails to record John's name amongst other diocesan bishops appears to indicate that he was an unacceptable candidate to Óláfr and the Islesmen, and that John never occupied his see.

By way of his ecclesiastical actions, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom, and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York. Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. In 1152, steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm. As a result of Óláfr's inability to have Nicholas formally consecrated, and his refusal to accept John as bishop, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin's ecclesiastical ascendancy. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of its own, Óláfr's diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's increasing authority. Moreover, in 1152, David 1 attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews.

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles. Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano (died 1159), a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy's authority into the northern European periphery. Eventually the newly created Norwegian province—the Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses within and outwith mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles, officially incorporated within the province in November 1154. Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin. The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power. In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles — its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway — appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.

In some respects, Óláfr's kingship may be comparable to that of David 1, who has come to regarded by modern historiography as a significant moderniser of the Scottish realm. have introduced modern forms of feudalism into his realm, and to have developed manorialism on Mann. He seems to have introduced the parochial system into the Isles; and like David 1, Óláfr transformed the church within his realm, creating a territorially defined diocese. His establishment of a more modern territorial kingship, which came to be associated with its demesne on Mann, may have led to the alienation of outlying areas. Although climatic conditions in the Isles improved in the eleventh century, and agricultural production appears to have increased as a result, there appears to have been a decrease in manufacturing by the twelfth century. Evidence of an eleventh-century mint on Mann exists prior to Guðrøðr Crovan's rule, but there is no evidence of one during Óláfr's reign, and no coins bearing the names of any of the members of his dynasty have been found.

The acclamation or election of a king was an important component of kingship in northern mediaeval Europe. There are several examples of the role played by chieftains in the kingship of the Isles during Óláfr's floruit. For instance, the leading men of the realm are recorded to have brokered the deal to have Muirchertach provide a regent until Óláfr was old enough to reign, whilst disaffected chieftains are reported to have brought about the dramatic end of Ingimundr's regency, and chieftains are said to have accompanied Óláfr from England to begin his reign. Even in the immediate aftermath of Óláfr's demise, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that the chieftains of the Isles (principes insularum) gathered together and unanimously elected Guðrøðr as king.

There is surviving evidence of only twenty royal charters dating from the reign of the Crovan dynasty. Of these, only one dates to the reign of Óláfr. Óláfr styled himself rex insularum, a Latin equivalent of a Gaelic title first accorded to his 10th century predecessor, Guðrøðr Haraldsson, King of the Isles (died 989). Surviving sources indicate that Óláfr was the first of several kings from his dynasty to claim to rule dei gratia (by the grace of God). The use of this formula was common amongst contemporary European monarchs but its use by the kings of the Isles, like the kings of Scotland, appears to have been adopted in imitation of the charters issued by the Angevin kings of England. Like the Scots, Óláfr and his successors appear to have adopted the formula to emphasise their sovereign right to kingship, to take their place amongst the leading monarchs of their time. Óláfr's use of the formula exemplifies the fact that — in comparison to his royal predecessors in the Isles — he was a new kind of ruler and the real founder of later Manx kingship. The fact that Óláfr was brought up at the English royal court could suggest that he, like David 1, was knighted by the English king. Certainly, several of Óláfr's thirteenth-century royal successors were knighted by their English counterpart.

Óláfr appears to have been an energetic king who consolidated his rule in the northern portion of the Isles by way of military force. There is reason to suspect that this region had fallen under Orcadian influence before being reclaimed by the Islesmen under Óláfr. According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth-century Sleat History, he was aided by Somairle in military operations (otherwise unrecorded in contemporary sources) against the ancient Danes north of Ardnamurchan. Together with its claim that Óláfr also campaigned on North Uist, this source may be evidence that the bitter struggle between Guðrøðr and Somairle (fought after Óláfr's demise) took place in the context of Somairle taking back territories that he had originally helped secure into Óláfr's kingdom. Somairle first emerges into the historical record in the 1130s supporting an unsuccessful rival branch of the Scottish royal family against David 1. By about the time of Somairle's marriage to Óláfr's daughter, David 1 seems to have successfully imposed his authority over Argyll. As a result of this apparent overlorship, Somairle may have been encouraged to redirect his energies from Scotland into the Isles.

There is reason to suspect that the Kingdom of the Isles lost control of territories in Galloway during Óláfr's floruit. Earlier in the mid eleventh century, the Rhinns of Galloway may have been ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan's predecessor, Echmarcach. By the last years of the century, the region was ruled by Mac Congail, King of the Rhinns (died 1094), who may have been a descendant of Guðrøðr Crovan's immediate predecessor, Fingal mac Gofraid. Whether Mac Congail ruled independently or subordinate to Guðrøðr Crovan is unknown. The installation of Gilla Aldan (died 1151-1154) as Bishop of Whithorn, in the third decade of the twelfth century, may mark the date when the Rhinns finally separated from the Kingdom of the Isles. Although support from the rulers of Galloway and Scotland may well have strengthened Óláfr's position in the Isles, and the chronicle portrays his reign as one of peacefulness, other sources vaguely recount the mainland depredations wrought by Wimund. The latter's warring against the Scots suggests that Óláfr may have struggled to maintain control of his far-flung kingdom.

It is uncertain how the Diocese of the Isles was organised during Óláfr's reign. There may well have been several regional centres where diocesan bishops, accompanied by retinues of clerics and warriors, would have visited each successive region, living off the rendered tithes. In time however, the ecclesiastical endowments on Mann, commenced by Óláfr and further developed by his successors, would have reduced the need for such peripatetic diocesan bishops. As the kings of the Isles became more identified with their seat on Mann, so too were the bishops of the Isles, which may have resulted in the alienation of outlying areas.

The now-ruinous ecclesiastical site of Cille Donnain, near Loch Kildonan on South Uist, could well have been a bishop's seat and twelfth-century power-centre in the Isles. Its precise place in the organisation of the Isles is uncertain. Certainly, L?gmaðr is associated with the Uists by a particular verse of poetry, attributed to the contemporary skald Gísl Illugason, preserved by the early thirteenth-century Morkinskinna. This contemporary composition could be evidence of a connection between him, or an associated bishop, with the Uist chain of islands. It is possible that, at a later date, the Cille Donnain site could have formed a residence for the peripatetic diocesan bishops of the Isles during their periodic visitations in the Uists.

The year 1153 was a watershed in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Not only did David 1 die late in May, but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway. According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men — that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them — a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar — a man named Ragnvaldr — approached Óláfr, raised his axe as if to salute the king, and decapitated him in a single stroke. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves. Whether the men attained any form of authority in the rest of the Isles is unknown. Once in control of Mann, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Guðrøðr, the kingdom's legitimate heir, by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather, Fergus. Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find. This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother.

Within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, enstrengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other two, and successfully secured the kingship for himself. Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit. Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, recorded in the twelfth-century Vita Ailredi, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death.

The fact that Óláfr sent Guðrøðr to Norway in 1152 could suggest there had been anxiety over the succession of the Kingdom of the Isles, and that Guðrøðr rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) in an effort secure assistance in safeguarding the kingship. The chronicle's account of Guðrøðr's return from Norway notes that he arrived with a fleet of five ships, which could indicate that overseas support was indeed obtained. The earlier episode of conflict between Óláfr's elder brothers, his own slaying at the hands of his nephews, and the later internecine struggles endured by his descendants, reveal that competition for the kingship of the Isles was incredibly competitive and exceptionally violent. The turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness,[280] and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David 1, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm 4, King of Scotland (died 1165). The dynastic challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.

Through Guðrøðr, Óláfr was the patrilineal-ancestor of later rulers of the Crovan dynasty, a kindred whose tenure of power in the Isles lasted until the second half of the thirteenth century. Through Ragnhildr, Óláfr was an important ancestor of the rulers of Clann Somairle, the descendants of Ragnhildr's husband Somairle. Whilst the union certainly testifies to Somairle's esteemed status, the key to his successful career may well have been the marriage itself. In fact, the chronicle and Orkneyinga saga reveal that the early rulers of Clann Somairle owed their claim to the kingship of the Isles by right of their genealogical link to Óláfr through Ragnhildr.

Although the burial place of Óláfr is unrecorded and unknown, by the second quarter of the thirteenth century St Mary of Rushen appears to have filled the role of royal mausoleum for the Crovan dynasty. Guðrøðr was himself buried on Iona, an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel. Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century. The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr. Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable.

Family/Spouse: Affraic av Galloway. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Judith married Vladislav (Wladyslaw) av Polen, "Vladislav 1" about 1083. Vladislav (son of Casimir Karol, "Casimir 1" and Maria Dobronega av Kiev) was born about 1044; died on 4 Jun 1102. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Swiatoslaw. Swiatoslaw (son of David and Theodosia) was born about 1080; died about 1143. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Anna married Henry Capet, "Henry 1" on 29 Jan 1051. Henry was born about Apr 1008 in Champagne-Ardenne, Frankrike; died on 04 Aug 1060 in Frankrike. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1125, Kiev, Ukraina; Storfyrste.

Notes:

Birth:
Han var eldste sønn av Vladimir Monomakh.

Mstislav married Kristina Ingesdatter av Sverige, "av Kiev" about 1095. Kristina (daughter of Inge Steinkjellson av Sverige, "Inge 1" and Ragnhild Torkilsdatter) died about 1122. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Vladimir av Halicz. Vladimir (son of Vsevolod and NN av Tczernigov) was born about 1110; died about 1144 in Novgorod, Russland. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1187, Dublin, Irland; Konge av Dublin og øyene mot England-Skottland (del 1).
• Occupation: Bef 1187, Dublin, Irland; Konge av Dublin og øyene mot England-Skottland (del 2).

Notes:

Occupation:
Guðrøðr Óláfsson (died 10 November 1187) was a twelfth-century ruler of the kingdoms of Dublin and the Isles. Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. Throughout his career, Guðrøðr battled rival claimants to the throne, permanently losing about half of his realm to a rival dynasty in the process. Although dethroned for nearly a decade, Guðrøðr clawed his way back to regain control of a partitioned kingdom, and proceeded to project power into Ireland. Although originally opposed to the English invasion of Ireland, Guðrøðr adeptly recognised the English ascendancy in the Irish Sea region and aligned himself with the English. All later kings of the Crovan dynasty descended from Guðrøðr.

In the last year of his father's reign, Guðrøðr was absent at the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway, forging closer ties with the Kingdom of Norway. When Óláfr was assassinated by rival members of the Crovan dynasty in 1153, Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, overthrew his usurping cousins, and seized the throne for himself. Guðrøðr evidently pursued a more aggressive policy than his father, and the following year appears to have lent military assistance to Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain in the latter's bid for the high-kingship of Ireland. Not long afterwards, Guðrøðr faced a dynastic challenge from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, whose son, as a grandson of Óláfr, possessed a claim to the throne. Late in 1156, Guðrøðr and Somaile fought an inconclusive sea-battle and partitioned the kingdom of the Isles between them. Two years later Somairle stuck again and forced Guðrøðr from the Isles altogether.

Guðrøðr appears to have spent his exile in the kingdoms of England and Scotland before journeying to Norway. In about 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing Norwegian civil wars at the final downfall of Ingi. Guðrøðr made his return to the Isles in 1164, in the aftermath of Somairle's defeat and death at the hands of the Scots. Although he regained the kingship itself, the territories ceded to Somairle in 1156 were retained by the latter's descendants. At some point in his career, Guðrøðr briefly held the kingship of Dublin. Although he was initially successful in fending off Muirchertach, the Dubliners eventually settled with the latter, and Guðrøðr returned to the Isles. This episode may have bearing on Guðrøðr's marriage to Findguala ingen Néill, Muirchertach's granddaughter. In 1170, Dublin fell to an Anglo-Irish alliance. The following year the ousted King of Dublin attempted to retake the town, and Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht attempted to dislodge the English from Dublin. In both cases, Guðrøðr appears to have provided military assistance against the English. In succeeding years, however, Guðrøðr aligned himself with one of the most powerful English conquerors, John de Courcy. Guðrøðr's assistance to John, who had married Guðrøðr's daughter, Affrica, may have played a critical role in John's successful conquest of the Kingdom of Ulaid. Guðrøðr died in 1187 and was succeeded by his eldest son, R?gnvaldr. Although Guðrøðr may have attempted to avert any succession disputes between his descendants, R?gnvaldr and his younger brother, Óláfr svarti, eventually fought each over the throne, and the resulting conflict carried on into later generations.

Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles (died 1153) and his wife Affraic ingen Fergusa. The men were members of the Crovan dynasty, a Norse-Gaelic kindred descended from Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1095). Following Guðrøðr Crovan's death in 1095, there is a period of uncertainty in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Although the latter's eldest son, Logmaðr, appears to have succeeded to the kingship, he was soon forced to content with factions supporting his younger brothers: Haraldr, and Óláfr. Although he successfully dealt with Haraldr, foreign powers from Ireland intruded into the Isles, and Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) seized control of the kingdom. At some point, Óláfr was entrusted to the protection of Henry 1, King of England (died 1135), and spent his youth in England before his eventual restoration as King of the Isles in the second decade of the twelfth century.

The thirteenth–fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr's mother, Affraic, was a daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161). Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he was married to an illegitimate daughter of Henry I, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of his offspring, including Affraic herself. Although the union between Guðrøðr's parents is not dated in contemporary sources, it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English Crown, one of the most powerful monarchies in western Europe. As for Fergus, the union bound Galloway more tightly to a neighbouring kingdom from which an invasion had been launched during the overlordsship of Magnús. The alliance with Óláfr also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and further gave him a valuable ally outwith the orbit of the Scottish Crown.

Another alliance involving Óláfr was that with Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164). Perhaps at about 1140, during a period when the latter was an apparent dependant of David 1, King of Scotland (died 1153), Somairle married Ragnhildr, one of Óláfr's illegitimate daughters. There is reason to suspect that the alliance was an after effect of the Scottish Crown's advancing overlordship. The marriage itself had severe repercussions on the later history of the Isles, as it gave the Meic Somairle—the descendants of Somairle and Ragnhildr—a claim to the kingship through Ragnhildr's royal descent. In the words of the chronicle, the union was the cause of the collapse of the entire Kingdom of the Isles.

Although the Chronicle of Mann portrays Óláfr's reign as one of tranquillity, a more accurate evaluation of his reign may be that he adeptly managed to navigate an uncertain political climate. By the mid part of the twelfth century, however, the ageing king's realm may well have begun to buckle under the strain, as perhaps evidenced by the depredations wrought on the Scottish mainland by Óláfr's leading ecclesiast, Wimund, Bishop of the Isles (fl. c.1130–c.1150). Confirmation of Óláfr's concern over the royal succession may well be preserved by the Chronicle of Mann, which states that Guðrøðr journeyed to the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) in 1152, where Guðrøðr rendered homage to the Norwegian king, and seemingly secured recognition of the royal inheritance of the Isles. According to Robert's Chronica, the kings of the Isles owed the kings of Norway a tribute of ten gold marks upon the accession of a new Norwegian king. This statement could indicate that Guðrøðr rendered Ingi such a payment upon his visit to the Norwegian court in 1152.

The following year marked a watershed in the history for the Kingdom of the Isles. For not only did David die late in May, but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later, on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway. According to the chronicle, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men—that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them—a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar slew Óláfr himself. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves. Once in control, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Guðrøðr, the kingdom's legitimate heir, by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather, Fergus. Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find. This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother. Whatever the case, within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, enstrengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other 2, and successfully secured the kingship for himself. Whether Guðrøðr succeeded to the throne in 1153 or 1154 is uncertain. The chronicle itself states that he overcame the Haraldssonar in the autumn following their coup.

Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit. Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, as recorded by the twelfth-century Vita Ailredi, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death. Óláfr and Guðrøðr's turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness, and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm 4, King of Scotland (died 1165). The dynastic-challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.

Midway through the twelfth-century, Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain (died 1166) pressed forth to claim to the high-kingship of Ireland, an office then held by the elderly Toirrdelbach Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht (died 1156). In 1154, the forces of Toirrdelbach and Muirchertach met in a major conflict fought off the Inishowen coast, in what was perhaps one of the greatest naval battles of the twelfth century. According to the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters, Muirchertach's maritime forces were mercenaries drawn from Galloway, Arran, Kintyre, Mann, and the territories of Scotland. This record appears to be evidence that Guðrøðr, Fergus, and perhaps Somairle, provided ships to Muirchertach's cause. Although Toirrdelbach's forces obtained a narrow victory, his northern maritime power seems to have been virtually nullified by the severity of the contest, and Muirchertach soon after marched on Dublin, gained overlordship over the Dubliners, and effectively secured himself the high-kingship of Ireland for himself.

The defeat of forces drawn from the Isles, and Muirchertach's subsequent spread of power into Dublin, may have had severe repercussions concerning Guðrøðr's career. In 1155 or 1156, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Somairle precipitated a coup against Guðrøðr, specifying that Þorfinnr Óttarsson, one of the leading men of the Isles, produced Somairle's son, Dubgall, as a replacement to Guðrøðr's rule. Somairle's stratagem does not appear to have received unanimous support, however, as the chronicle specifies that the leading Islesmen were made to render pledges and surrender hostages unto him.

Late in 1156, on the night of 5-6 January, Somairle and Guðrøðr finally clashed in a bloody but inconclusive sea-battle. According to the chronicle, Somairle's fleet numbered eighty ships, and when the fighting concluded, the men divided the Kingdom of the Isles between themselves. Although the precise partitioning is unrecorded and uncertain, the allotment of lands seemingly held by Somairle's descendants in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries could be evidence that he and his son gained the southern-most islands of the Hebrides, whilst Guðrøðr retained the northern-most. Two years later the chronicle reveals that Somairle, with a fleet of fifty-three ships, attacked Mann and drove Guðrøðr from the kingship and into exile. According to the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga, the contemporary Orcadian warlord Sveinn Ásleifarson (died 1171?) had connections in the Isles, and overcame Somairle in battle at some point in the twelfth century. Although this source's account of Sveinn and Somairle is clearly somewhat garbled, it could be evidence that Sveinn aided Guðrøðr in his struggle against Somairle. Although the young Dubgall may well have been the nominal King of the Isles following Guðrøðr's final defeat, the chronicle makes it clear that it was Somairle who possessed the real power, and certain Irish source regarded Somairle as king by the end of his career. Why Somairle's son was selected in his place is uncertain; it may have been because Somairle himself was somehow an unacceptable candidate to the Islesmen, and that Ragnhildr's ancestry lent credibility to Dubgall that Somairle lacked himself.

Contemporaneous sources reveal that, upon his expulsion, Guðrøðr attempted to garner royal support in England and Scotland. For example, the English Pipe rolls record that, in 1158, the sheriffs of Worcester and Gloucester received allowances for payments made to Guðrøðr for arms and equipment. Guðrøðr may have arrived in England by way of Wales. The English Crown's recent use of naval forces off the Gwynedd coast, as well as Guðrøðr's own familial links with the king himself, may account for the Guðrøðr's attempts to secure English assistance. Whatever the case, Guðrøðr was unable to gain Henry 2's help, and the latter proceeded to busy himself in Normandy. Guðrøðr next appears on record in Scotland, the following year, when he witnessed a charter of Malcolm to Kelso Abbey. The fact that the Scottish Crown had faced opposition from Somairle in 1153 could suggest that Malcolm was sympathetic to Guðrøðr's plight. Although the latter was certainly honourably treated by the Scots, as revealed by his prominent place amongst the charter's other witnesses, he was evidently unable to secure military support against Somairle.

It is uncertain why Guðrøðr did not turn to his grandfather, Fergus, for aid. One possibility is that the defeat of the Gallovidian fleet in 1154 severely weakened the latter's position in Galloway. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that Galloway endured a bitter power struggle later that decade. According to the twelfth–thirteenth-century Chronicle of Holyrood, Malcolm overcame certain - confederate enemies - in Galloway in 1160. Although the exact identities of these opponents are unknown, it is possible that this source documents a Scottish victory over an alliance between Somairle and Fergus. Before the end of the year, Fergus retired to Holyrood Abbey, and Somairle came into the king's peace. Although the concordat between the Scottish Crown and Somairle may have taken place after the Malcolm's subjugation of Somairle and Fergus, an alternate possibility is that the agreement was concluded in the context of Somairle having aided the Scots in their overthrow of Fergus. Somairle's deal with Scottish Crown may also have been undertaken not only in an effort to ensure that his own authority in the Isles was recognised by Malcolm, but to limit any chance of Guðrøðr receiving future royal support from the Scots.

Having failed to secure substantial support in England and Scotland, Guðrøðr appears to have turned to Ingi, his nominal Norwegian overlord. In late 1160 or early 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing civil war in the Norwegian realm, as evidenced by Hákonar saga herðibreiðs within the thirteenth-century saga-compilation Heimskringla. The fact that the Icelandic Annals allege that Guðrøðr assumed the kingship of the Isles in 1160 could be evidence that, whilst in Norway, Ingi formally recognised Guðrøðr as king in a public ceremony. There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's support of Ingi may have been undertaken in the context of fulfilling military obligations as a vassal. Be that as it may, Hákonar saga herðibreiðs reveals that Guðrøðr played an important part in Ingi's final downfall in battle at Oslo in 1161. Up until 1155, Ingi had shared the kingship with his brothers Sigurðr (died 1155) and Eysteinn (died 1157). With both of these brothers dead by 1157, Ingi was forced to contend with Hákon Sigurðarson (died 1162), who had been elected to the kingship within the year. In regard to Guðrøðr himself, the saga relates that during this final battle against Hákon, Guðrøðr, at the head of fifteen-hundred men, went over to Hákon's side. Guðrøðr's decision to abandon his embattled overlord tipped the scales in favour of Hákon, and directly contributed to Ingi's defeat and death. The young Magnús Erlingsson (died 1184) was elected king after Ingi's death, and following the fall of Hákon, was crowned king in 1163-1164. It is likely that Guðrøðr was present at Magnús Erlingsson's coronation, and possible that Guðrøðr rendered homage to him as well.

Somairle was slain in an unsuccessful invasion of mainland Scotland in 1164. The declaration in the fifteenth–sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster, of Somairle's forces being drawn from Argyll, Kintyre, Dublin, and the Isles, reveals the climax of Somairle's authority and further confirms his usurpation of power from Guðrøðr. Despite the record preserved by the Icelandic Annals—that Guðrøðr regained the kingship of the Isles in 1160—it appears that Guðrøðr made his actual return to the region after Somairle's fall. Although it is possible that Dubgall was able to secure power following his father's demise, it is evident from the Chronicle of Mann that the kingship was seized by Guðrøðr's brother, R?gnvaldr (fl. 1164), before the end of the year. Almost immediately afterwards, Guðrøðr is said by the same source to have arrived on Mann, ruthlessly overpowered his brother, and regained the kingship once and for all. Upon Guðrøðr's reestablishment in the Isles, the realm was partitioned between two closely related rival kindreds: the Meic Somairle and Crovan dynasty.

In an entry dated 1172, the chronicle states that Mann was invaded by a certain Ragnall mac Echmarcacha, a man who slaughtered a force of Manx coast-watchers before being slain himself in a later engagement on the island. Although the chronicle claims that Ragnall was of - royal stock - his identity is otherwise uncertain. One possibility is that this man's final adventure was somehow related to the dramatic fall of Norse-Gaelic Dublin in the preceding years. He could have possessed a connection with the former rulers of the town, as a distant relative of Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1064-1065). Another possibility is that the attack was somehow related to events in northern Ireland, where the Meic Lochlainn lost hold of the Cenél nEógan kingship to Áed Méith. In fact, it is possible that the invader himself was a member of the Uí Catháin, a branch of the Uí Néill who were opponents of John de Courcy (died c. 1219), Guðrøðr's English ally and son-in-law.

Occupation:
For a brief duration of his career, Guðrøðr appears to have possessed the kingship of Dublin. The chronology of his rule is unclear, however, as surviving sources concerning this episode are somewhat contradictory. According to the Chronicle of Mann, the Dubliners invited Guðrøðr to rule over them as king in the third year of his reign in the Isles. If correct, such an arrangement would have almost certainly provoked Muirchertach, the Dubliners' Irish overlord. In fact, the chronicle reveals that Muirchertach indeed took exception to such overtures, and marched on Dublin with a massive host before forming up at Cortcelis. Whilst in control of Dublin, Guðrøðr and the defending Dubliners are stated to have repulsed a force of 3.000 horsemen under the command of a certain Osiblen. After the latter's fall, Muirchertach and his remaining host retired from the region.

The chronicle's version of events appears to be corroborated by the Annals of Ulster. Unlike the previous source, however, this one dates the episode to 1162. Specifically, Muirchertach's forces are recorded to have devastated the Ostman lands of - Magh Fitharta - before his host of horsemen were repulsed. Despite the difference in their chronologies, both accounts refer to similar military campaigns, and the uncertain place names of - Cortcelis - and - Magh Fitharta - may well refer to nearby locations roughly in the Boyne Valley. Another source documenting the conflict is the Annals of the Four Masters. According this account preserved by this source, after Muirchertach's setback at Dublin and subsequent withdrawal in 1162, he left the forces of Leinster and Mide to campaign against the Dubliners. In time, the source states that a peace was concluded between the Irish and the Dubliners in which the latter rendered a tribute of one hundred forty ounces of gold to Muirchertach. The payment reveals that the Dubliners recognised Muirchertach as their overlord, which in turn suggests that the price for peace was Guðrøðr's removal from the kingship.

In the winter of 1176-1177, the chronicle reveals that Guðrøðr was formally married to Muirchertach's granddaughter, Findguala Nic Lochlainn, in a ceremony conducted under the auspices of the visiting papal legate, Vivian, Cardinal priest of St Stephen in Celio Monte. The precise date when Guðrøðr and Findguala commenced their liaison is unknown, and the two could have been a couple for some time before their formal marriage. It is possible that the union was originally brokered as a compromise on Muirchertach's part, as a means to placate Guðrøðr for withdrawing from Dublin. The demonstrable unreliability of the chronicle's chronology, and the apparent corroboration of events by the Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of Ulster, suggests that the Guðrøðr's adventure in Dublin date to about 1162. Such a date, however, appears to contradict the fact that Guðrøðr seems to have endured Norwegian exile in 1160-1161, and apparently only returned to the Isles in 1164. If the chronicle's date is indeed correct, Guðrøðr's inability to incorporate Dublin into the Kingdom of the Isles could well have contributed to his loss of status to Somairle.

There may be reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's defeat to Somairle was partly enabled by an alliance between Muirchertach and Somairle. For example, Argyllmen formed part of the mercenary fleet utilised by Muirchertach in 1154, and it is possible that the commander of the fleet, a certain Mac Scelling (fl. 1154–1173/1174), was a relation of Somairle himself. If Muirchertach and Somairle were indeed allied at this point in time it may have meant that Guðrøðr faced a united front of opposition. If correct, it could also be possible that Þorfinnr participated in Somairle's insurrection as an agent of Muirchertach. On the other hand, the fact that Somairle and Muirchertach jostled over ecclesiastical affairs in the 1160s suggests that these two were in fact rivals. Furthermore, the fact that Þorfinnr may have been related to a previous King of Dublin could reveal that Þorfinnr himself was opposed to Muirchertach's foreign overlordship. If Guðrøðr's difficulties in Dublin indeed date to a period just before Somairle's coup, the cooperation of men like Þorfinnr could be evidence that Dubgall, on account of his maternal ancestry and powerful father, was advanced as a potential candidate to the united kingship of Dublin and the Isles.

Later in his reign, Guðrøðr again involved himself in the affairs of Dublin. In 1166, the slaying of Muirchertach meant that 2 men made bids for the high-kingship of Ireland: Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht (died 1198) and Diarmait Mac Murchada, King of Leinster (died 1171). The latter had possessed the overlordship of Dublin since Muirchertach's actions there in 1162. Within the same year as Muirchertach's fall, however, Diarmait was overcome by Ruaidrí and his allies, and forced him from Ireland altogether. Although Ruaidrí thereupon gained the high-kingship for himself, Diarmait made his return the following year enstrengthened with English mercenaries, and reclaimed the core of his lands. In 1170 even more English troops flocked to Diarmait's cause, including Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke (died 1176), who successfully stormed the Norse-Gaelic enclave of Waterford. Richard soon after married Diarmait's daughter, Aífe, and effectively became heir to kingship of Leinster and the overlordship of Dublin. Later that year, the combined forces of Diarmait and Richard marched on Dublin, and drove out the reigning Ascall mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin (died 1171).

According to the twelfth-century Expugnatio Hibernica, Ascall and many of the Dubliners managed to escape by fleeing to the northern islands. On one hand, this term could well refer to Orkney. On the other hand, it is also possible that the term refers to the Hebrides or Mann. If so, this source would appear to be evidence that the Dubliners had retained close links with the Isles. Whatever the case, within weeks of Diarmait's death early in May 1171, Ascall made his return to Dublin. The account of events recorded by Expugnatio Hibernica and the twelfth–thirteenth-century La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande indicate that Ascall's forces consisted of heavily armoured Islesmen and Norwegians. The invasion itself was an utter failure, however, and Ascall himself was captured and executed. Amongst the slain appears to have been Sveinn himself, Guðrøðr's apparent ally in arms.

The successive deaths of Diarmait and Ascall left a power vacuum in Dublin that others sought to fill. Almost immediately after Ascall's fall, for example, Ruaidrí had the English-controlled town besieged. Expugnatio Hibernica records that he and Lorcán Ua Tuathail, Archbishop of Dublin (died 1180) sent for Guðrøðr, and others in the Isles, asking them to blockade Dublin by sea. Whilst it is possible that Guðrøðr may have been enticed to assist the Irish through the promise of financial compensation, and perhaps the possession of any vessel his fleet captured in the operation, there is reason to suspect that the Islesmen were disquieted by prospect of permanent English authority in the region. Certainly, Expugnatio Hibernica states that:

The threat of English domination, inspired by the successes of the English, made the men of the Isles act all the more quickly, and with the wind in the north-west they immediately sailed about thirty ships full of warriors into the harbour of the Liffey.

Although the operation was one of the greatest military mobilisations that the Irish mustered in the twelfth century, the blockade was ultimately a failure, and Dublin remained firmly in the hands of the English. Ascall was the last Norse-Gaelic King of Dublin; and before the end of the year, Clare relinquished possession of Dublin to his own liege lord, Henry 2, who converted it into an English royal town.

With Dublin's defeat at the hands of English adventurers, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by a threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone. Despite his original opposition to the English in Dublin, Guðrøðr did not take long to realign himself with this new power, as exemplified though the marital alliance between his daughter, Affrica (died 1219-), and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy.

In 1177, John led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down). He reached Down (modern day Downpatrick), drove off Ruaidrí Mac Duinn Sléibe, King of Ulaid (died 1201), consolidated his conquest, and ruled with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century. Although the precise date of the marriage between John and Affrica is unknown, the union itself may well have attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland. Certainly, decades later in the reign of Guðrøðr's son and successor, R?gnvaldr (died 1229), John received significant military support from the Crovan dynasty, and it is not improbable that Guðrøðr himself supplied similar assistance. In the 1190s, John also received military assistance from Guðrøðr's kinsman Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick (died 1250). Like Guðrøðr, Donnchad was a grandson of Fergus, and it possible that John's marriage to Affrica accounts for Donnchad's cooperation with him.

Although the promise of maritime military support could well have motivated John to align himself with Guðrøðr, there may have been a more significant aspect to their alliance. The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past-history between them, and it is possible that the binding of John to the Crovan dynasty was actually the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid. In fact, Guðrøðr formalised his own marriage to Findguala in 1176/1177, and it was by this union that Guðrøðr bound his own dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn, another traditional foe of the Ulaid. Another contributing factor to the alliance between Guðrøðr and John may have been the Meic Lochlainn's loss of the Cenél nEógain kingship to the rival Uí Néill dynast Áed Méith Ua Néill (died 1230) in 1177. The latter certainly clashed with John before the end of the century, and the strife between the Uí Néill and Meic Lochlainn continued on for decades. Whatever the case, the unions meant that John was protected on his right flank by Guðrøðr, through whom John shared a common interest with the Meic Lochlainn, situated on his left flank. John would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage, whilst Guðrøðr may have used John's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.

There is reason to regard Óláfr, like his Scottish counterpart David, as a reforming monarch. Guðrøðr continued Óláfr's modernising policies, as evidenced by surviving sources documenting the ecclesiastical history of the Isles. For example, Guðrøðr confirmed his father's charter to the abbey of St Mary of Furness, in which the monks of this Cistercian house were granted the right to select the Bishop of the Isles. Guðrøðr granted the English priory of St Bees the lands of Escheddala (Dhoon Glen) and Asmundertoftes (Ballellin) in exchange for the church of St Óláfr and the lands of Euastad (perhaps near Ballure). In the reigns of Guðrøðr's succeeding sons, the Benedictine priory of St Bees continued to receive royal grants of Manx lands. The Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr gave lands at Myroscough to the Cistercian abbey of Rievaulx in England. The chronicle also notes that a monastery was constructed on these lands, and that the lands eventually passed into the possession of the abbey of St Mary of Rushen. Guðrøðr also granted certain commercial rights and protections to the monks of the monastery of Holm Cultram, another Cistercian house in England.

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Guðrøðr's kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles. Little is known of its early history, although its origins may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium. Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr Crovan's reign in the Isles. Before the mid point of the twelfth century, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom, and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York. Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. In 1152, steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm. As a result of Óláfr's inability to have an ecclesiast of his own choice formally consecrated as bishop, and his own refusal to accept one favoured by the Archbishop of York, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin's ecclesiastical ascendancy. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of its own, Óláfr's diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's increasing authority. Moreover, in 1152, David 1 attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews.

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles. Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano (died 1159), a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy's authority into the northern European periphery. Eventually the newly created Norwegian province—the Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses within and outwith mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles, officially incorporated within the province in November 1154. Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin. The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power. In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.

Despite the ecclesiastical reorientation, the next Bishop of the Isles known from Manx sources was consecrated by Roger de Pont l'Evêque, Archbishop of York (died 1181). This bishop, an Englishman named Gamaliel, may have been consecrated between October 1154 and early 1155, possibly before news of the diocesesan realignment reached the Isles. Although it is possible that Gamaliel was consecrated without Guðrøðr's approval, the bishop appears to have witnessed at least one of the latter's charters. The fact that Gamaliel was buried in Peterborough could suggest that he was removed from his see at some point.

The next known bishop was Reginald (died c.1170), a Norwegian who witnessed the bitter struggles between Guðrøðr and Somairle, and who seems to have died in about 1170. It is possible that Reginald was consecrated in Norway in 1153/1154, and that the York-backed Gamaliel was compelled to resign the see to him. Reginald is the first Bishop of the Isles to be attested by the Icelandic Annals, which could indicate that he was the first such bishop to recognise the authority of Niðaróss. Either Gamaliel or Reginald could have been the unnamed Bishop of the Isles who is stated by Robert's Chronica to have met with William 1, King of Scotland and Henry 2 at Mont St Michel. Robert's account of the meeting indicates that the kings of the Isles were obligated to render tribute to newly crowned kings of Norway. It is possible that Reginald followed Guðrøðr into exile after the latter's defeat to Somairle. Reginald's successor was Cristinus, an Argyllman who appears to have been appointed by either Somairle or his descendants. The fact that Cristinus did not receive acknowledgement from the Archbishop of Niðaróss could be evidence that Reginald remained in Norway. The apparent antipathy between Guðrøðr and Cristinus may be evidenced by the fact that it was Silvanus, Abbot of Rievaulx — and not Cristinus — who conducted the marriage ceremony of Guðrøðr and Findguala during Vivian's visit in 1176.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr had 4 children: Affrica, Ragnvaldr, Ívarr, and Óláfr svarti (died 1237). Although the chronicle specifically states that Findguala was Óláfr svarti's mother, and that he had been born before his parent's formalised marriage, the mothers of the other three children are unknown or uncertain. According to the anonymous praise-poem Baile suthach síth Emhna, Ragnvaldr's mother was Sadb, an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been a wife or concubine of Guðrøðr. As for Ívarr, nothing further is recorded of him, although it is possible that his mother was also the product of an uncanonical liaison. There may be evidence to suggest that Guðrøðr had another son, Ruaidrí (fl. 1188-1190), who appears in a royal charter recorded as Ragnvaldr's brother (Rotherico, fratre meo).

Guðrøðr died on 10 November 1187 on St Patrick's Isle. The following year, he was finally laid to rest on Iona, an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel. Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century. The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr. Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable. Whatever the case, upon Guðrøðr's death the chronicle claims that he left instructions for his younger son, Óláfr svarti, to succeed to the kingship since he had been born in lawful wedlock.

On one hand, this record could be evidence that Guðrøðr continued to advance the institution of kingship in the Isles. For example, this episode appears to be the earliest record of a ruling member of the Crovan dynasty designating a royal successor. If so, such an arrangement may have been borne out of Guðrøðr's own bitter difficulties with rival claimants to the throne.

On the other hand, it is uncertain if the chronicle has preserved an accurate account of events, as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Ragnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr svarti, who was only a child at the time, Ragnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king. One possibility is that Guðrøðr may have intended for Ragnvaldr to temporarily rule as a lieutenant of sorts until Óláfr svarti was able to hold sway himself. Although Ragnvaldr appears to have later forged an alliance with the Meic Somairle, and may have temporarily reunited the entire Kingdom of the Isles under his own leadership, he was later opposed by Óláfr svarti, and the ensuing violent conflict between Guðrøðr's descendants carried on to further generations.

Family/Spouse: Findguala Nic Lochlainn. Findguala (daughter of Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn) was born about 1150 in Ulster, Nord-Irland; died about 1187. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1102, Polen; Hertug del 1.
• Occupation: Aft 1102, Polen; Hertug del 2.
• Occupation: Aft 1119, Polen; Hertug del 3.

Notes:

Occupation:
Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth (also known as Boleslaus 3 the Wry-mouthed, Polish: Boleslaw 3 Krzywousty) (20 August 1086 – 28 October 1138), was a Duke of Lesser Poland, Silesia and Sandomierz between 1102 and 1107 and over the whole Poland between 1107 and 1138. He was the only child of Prince Wladyslaw 1 Herman and his first wife Judith, daughter of Vratislaus 2 of Bohemia.

Boleslaw began to rule in the last decade of the 11th century, when the central government in Poland was significantly weakened. Wladyslaw 1 Herman fell under the political dependence of the Count palatine Sieciech, who became the real ruler of the country. Backed by their father, Boleslaw and his half-brother Zbigniew finally expelled Sieciech from the country in 1101, after several years of fighting. After the death of Wladyslaw 1 Herman in 1102, two independent states were created ruled by Boleslaw and Zbigniew.

Boleslaw sought to gain Pomerania which caused an armed conflict between the brothers, and forced Zbigniew to flee the country and seek military help from Germany. Boles?aw effectively stopped the intervention of the German King Henry 5 in 1109 and punished Zbigniew by blinding him. This action caused outrage among supporters of Zbigniew, resulting in a political crisis in Poland. Boles?aw once again gained the favor of his subjects with public penance, and made a pilgrimage to the monastery of his patron, Saint Giles, in Hungary.

Boleslaw, like Boleslaw 2 the Generous, based his foreign policy on maintaining good relations with neighboring Hungary and Kievan Rus, with whom he forged strong links through marriage and military cooperation in order to break the political dependence on Germany and his vassal, the King of Bohemia, who in moments of weakness of Polish policy was forced to pay tribute in Silesia. These alliances have allowed Boleslaw to effectively defend the country from invasion by Henry 5 in 1109. Several years later, Boleslaw skillfully took advantage of the dynastic disputes in Bohemia to ensure peace on the south-west border.

Boleslaw devoted the second half of his rule to the conquest of Pomerania. In 1113 he conquered the northern strongholds along Notec, which strengthened the border with the Pomeranians. In subsequent years, he took steps toward the conquest of Pomerania. The resolution of the conflict with the Holy Roman Empire allowed Boleslaw to subordinate Western Pomerania and incorporate Gdansk Pomerania. The military expeditions, carried out in three stages, ended in the 1120s with military and political successes. Integration of the newly annexed lands enabled Boleslaw to build churches and began the process of converting Pomerania. Bishop Otto of Bamberg confirmed the Christianization of Pomerania from 1123 onward.

In the 1130s Boleslaw participated in the dynastic dispute in Hungary. After an unexpected defeat, he was forced to make an agreement with Germany. The Congress of Merseburg of 1135 addressed the issues of Pomerania, Silesian (probably also Polish) sovereignty and the supremacy of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church.

Boleslaw was married twice. His first marriage with the Kievan princess Zbyslava gave him an excuse to intervene militarily in the internal affairs of Russia.

After her death, Boleslaw married to a German noblewoman, Salomea of Berg, which in some way was the cause of changes in Polish foreign policy: in the second half of his rule, the Prince sought to restore diplomatic relations with his western neighbor. His last, and perhaps the most momentous act, was his will and testament known as The Succession Statute in which he divided the country among his sons, leading to almost 200 years of feudal fragmentation of the Polish Kingdom.

Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth has been recognized by historiography as a symbol of Polish political aspirations until well into the 19th century. He also upheld the independence of the Polish archbishopric of Gniezno, despite a temporary failure in the 1130s. Despite undoubted successes, he committed serious political errors, most notably against Zbigniew of Poland, his half-brother. The crime against Zbigniew and his penance for it show Boleslaw’s great ambition as well as his ability to find political compromise.

In 1086 the coronation of Vratislav 2 as King of Bohemia, and his alignment with László 1, King of Hungary, threatened the position of the Polish ruler, Prince Wladyslaw 1 Herman. Therefore, that same year Wladyslaw 1 was forced to recall from Hungarian banishment the only son of Boleslaw 2 the Bold and a rightful heir to the Polish throne, Mieszko Boleslawowic. Upon his return young Boleslawowic accepted the over-lordship of his uncle and gave up his hereditary claim to the crown of Poland in exchange for becoming first in line to succeed him. In return, Wladyslaw 1 Herman granted his nephew the district of Kraków. The situation was further complicated for Wladyslaw 1 Herman by a lack of a legitimate male heir, as his first-born son Zbigniew came from a union not recognized by the church. With the return of Mieszko Boleslawowic to Poland, Wladyslaw 1 normalized his relations with the kingdom of Hungary as well as Kievan Rus (the marriage of Mieszko Boleslawowic to a Kievan princess was arranged in 1088). These actions allowed Herman to strengthen his authority and alleviate further tensions in international affairs.

The lack of a legitimate heir, however, remained a concern for Wladyslaw 1 and in 1085 he and his wife Judith of Bohemia sent rich gifts, among which was a life size statue of a child made of gold, to the Benedictine Sanctuary of Saint Giles in Saint-Gilles, Provence begging for offspring. The Polish envoys were led by the personal chaplain of Duchess Judith, Piotr.

The date of birth of Boleslaw is closely linked with the death of his mother Judith. This fact is evidenced by contemporary sources:

Gallus Anonymus in the Cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum reported that Duchess Judith gave birth to Boleslaw on the day of King Saint Stephen of Hungary (whose feast since the 11th century was celebrated on 20 August). However, the Duchess' health never recovered from childbirth and died on the night of Nativity[18] (i.e. 24–25 December). Gallus did not note the year in his chronicle.

Cosmas of Prague wrote in Latin in his Chronica Boëmorum (Chronicle of Bohemians) that Boleslaw was born 3 days before the death of Judith, who died in 8 Calends of January (25 December) of 1085.

The Kalendarz krakowski said that Duchess Judith died on 24 December 1086, and only indicated that the birth of Boleslaw was in the same year.

The Obituary of the Abbey of Saint-Gilles reported the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.

The Rocznik kapituly krakowskiej (closely related to the Kalendarz krakowski) placed the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.

Historian August Bielowski established Boleslaw's birth on 26 December 1085 and the death of his mother 2 days later, on 28 December. According to him Gallus Anonymus committed 2 errors.
First, instead of the Sunday after the Nativity of the Lord wrote incorrectly in the Sunday of the Nativity. Secondly, he mistaken the day of Saint Stephen (26 December) with the festivities of King Stephen of Hungary (20 August). Both corrections lead to the birth date of Boleslaw on 26 December.
This theory was supported by the fact that in 1085 28 December fell on a Sunday.

Oswald Balzer refuted Bielowski's theory and pointed that Judith's death was on the night between 24–25 December 1086, and the birth of Boleslaw was 4 months before, on 20 August. According to him, if Judith died on the night between 24–25 December, are possible discrepancies in determining the exact date of the event. All known sources who placed the death of Judith, would then right. Gallus wrote that Judith died shortly after giving birth to a son.
Later sources interpret this as a death in childbirth and Cosmas of Prague followed this fact, despite he didn't received the information at first hand. Hence, his mistake would result in this point. In contrast, the right -indicated by Gallus- date of birth of Boleslaw would be 20 August. In the medieval tradition the year began on 25 December. In that case, the reports of Cosmas must be concluded that Boleslaw was born yet in 1085. This information, however, was in contradiction with the reports of the Kalendarz krakowski, who gave the year 1086. Judith was styled by the authors of the Kalendarz as regina Polonia (Queen of Poland in Latin), and this title could be associated with her father's coronation as King of Bohemia and Poland on 15 June 1086 (according to Cosmas). Karol Maleczynski refuted the arguments of Balzer, who accepted the date of the coronation of Vratislav II given by Cosmas.[19] However, most researchers indicates that the coronation took place on 15 June 1085, so Judith could be called Queen a year earlier.

Karol Maleczynski determined that the death of Judith took place on the night between 24–25 December 1085, and Boleslaw was born four months before, on 20 August. Researchers found that the date given by the Rocznik kapituly krakowskiej (24 December 1086) was the same established by Cosmas (25 December 1085). The difference in the year could be explained in the different of style dating followed by Cosmas, who began the year according to the Julian calendar on 1 January and Christmas (Nativitate in Latin) on 25 December. For Maleczynski, Kazimierz Jasinski not consider this calendar difference who occurs only during the period 25–31 December.

Archaeologist Wojciech Szafranski reasumed the theory of Bielowski:
Judith of Bohemia died on 28 December 1085, and Boleslaw was born 2 days before, on 26 December.
According to Szafranski Cosmas used the term 8 Calends of January, with no specific date. However, in the Chronicle of Gallus should read that Judith died on Christmas Day, but on Sunday in the Octave of Christmas. Using such a broadened range of days, the investigator determined the birth of Boleslaw in the feast of Saint Stephen (26 December). For this reasons, the date of 1085 given by Bielowski is correct according to him. However, Jasinski pointed the weaknesses of the argument of Szafranski because Gallus has written about the Octave, but specifically about Christmas night, but the investigator didn't consider all other sources, as well as the achievements of research in genealogy.

Marian Plezia argued that Boleslaw was born on 2 September 1085 or 1086. According to Gallus, the day of King Stephen of Hungary was also celebrated on 2 September. Jasinski considered this theory unfounded. In Poland the feast of King Stephen of Hungary is pointed by the Kalendarz krakowski and the kalendarz Kodeksu Gertrudy on 20 August. Besides, if Boleslaw was born on 2 September, Gallus probably would be noted that this was the day after the celebration of Saint Giles (1 September), which was attributed to be the intercessor of his birth.

Kazimierz Jasinski placed the death of Judith in the night between 24–25 December 1086 and the birth of Boleslaw 4 months before, on 20 August. In this point he agrees with the findings of Balzer. He supported his views with additional arguments:
All sources are based in the missing Rocznika kapituly krakowskiej, and the next known text of this source refers to events in 1086.
Cosmas, writing his chronicle a few decades later, probably benefited from oral tradition and could make a mistake when he placed the year. His reports who placed the birth of Boleslaw 3 days before the death of his mother denoted a quite short time.

Today is widely recognized the view of both Jasinski and Balzer, that Boleslaw most likely was born in the day of King Stephen of Hungary, 20 August 1086.

According to Cosmas of Prague, Boleslaw was named after his uncle, Boleslaw 2 the Generous. Wladyslaw 1 Herman had no reason to named his first-born legitimate son after his brother, but probably in this way tried to placate the former allies of his predecessor.

Boleslaw's nickname Wrymouth (pl: Krzywousty) appeared in Polish and Latin sources of the 13th century: Genealogii plockiej (Criwousti) and the Roczniku swietokrzyskim mlodszym (Crzyvousti). Probably the origin of this nickname dates back on the 12th century and is relationed with some physical characteristics of the Polish ruler, who were noticed at the time of his reign. Probably he began to be named in this way after 1114, because Gallus Anonymus in his Chronicle never mentioned it. In the Kronice ksiazat polskich and Kronice polsko-slaskiej Boleslaw was qualified by the Latin adjective curvus, whose significance remains unclear. According to the 14th century Kroniki o Piotrze Wlostowicu the Prince was hunchbacked (Latin: gibbosus) or had a crooked mouth. The 15th century chronicler Jan Dlugosz wrote:

He had a mouth on one side slightly bent, and for this he was called Wrymouth; however, this is not marred his face, and even added to him some charm.

In 1974, in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral of Plock, where according to tradition Boleslaw was buried, an archaeological research project was conducted. A coffin was discovered containing the bones of 16 men and women. One of the skulls, of a man who died aged 50, had a deformed mandible. There is a hypothesis that these remains belonged to Boleslaw. Opponents of this theory suggest that the Prince was named in this way many years after his death, and his contemporary Gallus did not mention any physical defect in the hero of his Chronicles. The defenders of the hypothesis argue that the work of Gallus has the characteristics of a panegyric in honor of Boleslaw, because the chronicler did not mention his physical infirmities. It is also speculated that the bone damage occurred as a result of childbirth complications, which led to the death of his mother a few months later.

The nickname of Boleslaw was also explained in other ways. According to a legend, Boleslaw slammed his face against a wall after watching his father's subservience towards the Germans and Czechs. According to Jan Dlugosz, the Prince in his youth suffered from an ulcer, which caused the deformity of his face. According to older historiography, he received the nickname Wrymouth for his perjury.

Following Boleslaw’s birth the political climate in the country changed. The position of Boleslaw as an heir to the throne was threatened by the presence of Mieszko Boleslawowic, who was already 17 at the time and was furthermore, by agreement with Wladyslaw 1 Herman himself, the first in line to succeed. In all likelihood it was this situation that precipitated the young prince Mieszko’s demise in 1089. In that same year Wladyslaw 1 Herman’s first-born son Zbigniew was sent to a monastery in Quedlinburg, Saxony. This suggests that Wladyslaw 1 Herman intended to be rid of Zbigniew by making him a monk, and therefore depriving him of any chance of succession. This eliminated 2 pretenders to the Polish throne, secured young Boleslaw’s inheritance as well as diminished the growing opposition to Wladyslaw 1 Herman among the nobility. Shortly after his ascension, however, Wladyslaw 1 Herman was forced by the barons to give up the de facto reins of government to Count Palatine Sieciech. This turn of events was likely due to the fact that Herman owed the throne to the barons, the most powerful of whom was Sieciech.

Around this time Wladyslaw 1 Herman married again. The chosen bride was Judith-Maria, daughter of Emperor Henry 3 and widow of King Solomon of Hungary, who after her wedding took the name Sophia in order to distinguish herself from Wladyslaw 1 Herman's first wife. Through this marriage Boleslaw gained 3 or 4 half-sisters, and as a consequence he remained the only legitimate son and heir. It's believed that the new Duchess was actively aiding Sieciech in his schemes to take over the country and that she became his mistress.

In 1090 Polish forces under Sieciech's command, managed to gain control of Gdansk Pomerania, albeit for a short time. Major towns were garrisoned by Polish troops, and the rest were burned in order to thwart future resistance. Several months later, however, a rebellion of native elites led to the restoration of the region’s independence from Poland. The following year a punitive expedition was organized, in order to recover Gdansk Pomerania. The campaign was decided at the battle of the Wda River, where the Polish knights suffered a defeat despite the assistance of Bohemian troops.

Prince Boleslaw’s childhood happened at a time when a massive political migration out of Poland was taking place, due to Sieciech’s political repressions. Most of the elites who became political refugees found safe haven in Bohemia. Another consequence of Sieciech’s political persecution was the kidnapping of Zbigniew by Sieciech’s enemies and his return from abroad in 1093. Zbigniew took refuge in Silesia, a stronghold of negative sentiment for both Sieciech as well as his nominal patron Wladyslaw 1 Herman. In the absence of Sieciech and Boleslaw, who were captured by Hungarians and kept captive, Prince Wladyslaw 1 then undertook a penal expedition to Silesia, which was unsuccessful and subsequently obliged him to recognize Zbigniew as a legitimate heir. In 1093 Wladyslaw 1 signed an Act of Legitimization which granted Zbigniew the rights of descent from his line. Zbigniew was also granted the right to succeed to the throne. Following Sieciech and Boleslaw’s escape from Hungary, an expedition against Zbigniew was mounted by the Count Palatine. Its aim was to nullify the Act of Legitimization. The contestants met at the battle of Goplo in 1096, where Sieciech’s forces annihilated the supporters of Zbigniew. Zbigniew himself was taken prisoner, but regained his freedom a year later, in May 1097, due to the intervention of the bishops. At the same time his rights, guaranteed by the Act of Legitimization, were reinstated.

Simultaneously a great migration of Jews from Western Europe to Poland began circa 1096, around the time of the First Crusade. The tolerant rule of Wladyslaw 1 Herman attracted the Jews who were permitted to settle throughout the entire kingdom without restrictions. The Polish prince, took great care of the Hebrew Diaspora, as he understood its positive influence on the growth of the country’s economy. The new Jewish citizens soon gained trust of the gentiles during the rule of Boleslaw 3.

In view of his father’s disapproval, and after discovering the plans of Sieciech and Duchess Judith-Sophia to take over the country Zbigniew gained an ally in the young prince Boleslaw. Both brothers demanded that the reins of government should be handed over to them. It is difficult to believe, however, that Boleslaw was making independent decisions at this point as he was only 12 years of age. It is postulated that at this stage he was merely a pawn of the Baron’s power struggle. Wladyslaw 1 Herman, however, agreed to divide the realm between the brothers, each to be granted his own province while the Prince – Wladyslaw 1 himself – kept control of Mazovia and its capital at Plock. Wladyslaw also retained control of the most important cities i.e. Wroclaw, Kraków and Sandomierz. Zbigniew’s province encompassed Greater Poland including Gniezno, Kuyavia, Leczyca Land and Sieradz Land. Boleslaw’s territory included Lesser Poland, Silesia and Lubusz Land.

The division of the country and the allowance of Boleslaw and Zbigniew to co-rule greatly alarmed Sieciech, who then began preparing to dispose of the brothers altogether. Sieciech understood that the division of the country would undermine his position. He initiated a military settlement of the issue and he gained the Prince’s support for it. The position of Wladyslaw 1 is seen as ambiguous as he chose to support Sieciech’s cause instead of his sons'.

In response to Sieciech’s preparations Boleslaw and Zbigniew entered into an alliance. This took place at a popular assembly or Wiec organized in Wroclaw by a magnate named Skarbimir of the Awdaniec family. There it was decided to remove the current guardian of Boleslaw, a noble named Wojslaw who was a relative of Sieciech, and arrange for an expedition against the Palatine. Subsequently, in 1099, the armies of Count Palatine and Prince Herman encountered the forces of Zbigniew and Boleslaw near Zarnowiec by the river Pilica. There the forces of Boleslaw and Zbigniew defeated Sieciech's army, and Wladyslaw 1 Herman was obliged to permanently remove Sieciech from the position of Count Palatine. In the same year, at Christmas, Boles?aw concluded to short-lived peace with Bohemia. The agreement was concluded in Žatec. According to Cosmas, Boleslaw was appointed Miecznik (en: Sword-bearer) of his uncle Bretislaus 2, Duke of Bohemia. In addition, the young prince would be paid the amount of 100 pieces of fine silver and 10 talents of gold annually as a tribute to Bohemia (it was about the land of Silesia, for which he paid tribute to Wladyslaw 1).

The rebel forces were then further directed towards Sieciechów, where the Palatine took refuge. Unexpectedly, Prince Wladyslaw came to the aid of his besieged favorite with a small force. At this point, the Princes decided to depose their father. The opposition sent Zbigniew with an armed contingent to Masovia, where he was to take control of Plock, while Boleslaw was directed to the South. The intention was the encirclement of their father, Prince Wladyslaw 1. The Prince predicted this maneuver and sent his forces back to Masovia. In the environs of Plock the battle was finally joined and the forces of Wladyslaw 1 were defeated. The Prince was thereafter forced to exile Sieciech from the country. The Palatine left Poland around 1100-1101. He was known to sojourn in the German lands. However, he eventually returned to Poland but did not play any political role again. He may have been blinded.

Occupation:
Wladyslaw 1 Herman died on 4 June 1102. The country was divided into 2 provinces, each administered by one of the late prince’s sons. The extent of each province closely resembled the provinces that the princes were granted by their father 3 years earlier, the only difference being that Zbigniew also controlled Mazovia with its capital at Plock, effectively ruling the northern part of the kingdom, while his younger half-brother Boleslaw ruled its southern portion. In this way two virtually separate states were created. According to some historians, Zbigniew tried to play the role of princeps or overlord, because at that time Boleslaw was only 16 years old. Because he was still too inexperienced to independently direct his domains, the local nobility gathered around him took great influence in the political affairs, included his teacher, Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family.

They conducted separate policies internally as well as externally. They each sought alliances, and sometimes they were enemies of one another. Such was the case with Pomerania, towards which Boleslaw aimed his ambitions. Zbigniew, whose country bordered Pomerania, wished to maintain good relations with his northern neighbor. Boleslaw, eager to expand his dominion, organized several raids into Pomerania and Prussia. In Autumn of 1102 Boleslaw organized a war party into Pomerania during which his forces sacked Bialogard.

As reprisal the Pomeranians sent retaliatory war parties into Polish territory, but as Pomerania bordered Zbigniew’s territory these raids ravaged the lands of the prince who was not at fault. Therefore, in order to put pressure on Boleslaw, Zbigniew allied himself with Borivoj 2 of Bohemia, to whom he promised to pay tribute in return for his help. By aligning himself with Boleslaw’s southern neighbor Zbigniew wished to compel Boleslaw to cease his raids into Pomerania. Boleslaw, on the other hand, allied himself with Kievan Rus and Hungary. His marriage to Zbyslava, the daughter of Sviatopolk 2 Iziaslavich in 1103, was to seal the alliance between himself and the prince of Kiev. However, Boleslaw's first diplomatic move was to recognize Pope Paschal 2, which put him in strong opposition to the Holy Roman Empire. A later visit of papal legate Gwalo, Bishop of Beauvais brought the church matters into order, it also increased Boleslaw's influence.

Zbigniew declined to attend the marriage of Boleslaw and Zbyslava. He saw this union and the alliance with Kiev as a serious threat. Thanks to bribery, he therefore prevailed upon his ally, Borivoj 2 of Bohemia to invade Boleslaw’s province, ostensibly to claim the Polish crown. Boleslaw retaliated with expeditions into Moravia in 1104–1105, which brought the young prince not only loot, but also effectively disintegrated the alliance of Pomeranians and Zbigniew. During the return of the army, one part commanded by Zelislaw were defeated by the Bohemians. Boleslaw, who commanded the other part of the army, couldn't defeated them. Skarbimir, thanks to bribery, could stopped Borivoj 2. With a vast amount of money, the Bohemian ruler returned to his homeland and was concluded a short-lived peace with Bohemia. Then Borivoj 2 ended his alliance with Zbigniew. In order to paralyze the alliance of Pomerania and his older brother, Boleslaw carried out multiple attacks on northern land in 1103 (the battle of Kolobrzeg, where was defeated), and in 1104–1105, ended with success.

The intervention of Boleslaw in the dynastic dispute in Hungary led him in a difficul political situation. At first, he supported the pretender Álmos, and marched to Hungary to help him. However, during the siege of Abaújvár in 1104, Álmos changed his mind and made peace conversations with his brother and rival King Coloman, at that point Zbigniew's ally. Boleslaw then retired his troops from Hungary and in 1105 made a treaty with Coloman. It was decided then that Boleslaw didn't support Álmos against the alliance Coloman-Zbigniew. In addition, the Hungarian King broke his agreements with the Bohemian Kingdom. The dynastic dispute in Prague between Borivoj 2 and his cousin Svatopluk caused the intervention of Boleslaw and his ally King Coloman in support of Svatopluk, with the main objective to place him in the Bohemian throne. However, a new rebellion of Álmos forced Coloman and his army to return Hungary. Boleslaw also decided to retreat. Svatopluk tried to master the city alone, but suffered a complete defeat; his attempt to seize power in Bohemia was unsuccessful.

Also in 1105, Boleslaw entered into an agreement with his half-brother, in the same way like just a few years before entered with their stepmother Judith-Sophia (who in exchange of an abundant Oprawa wdowia (dower lands), secured her neutrality in Boleslaw's political contest with Zbigniew). The treaty, signed in Tyniec, was a compromise of both brothers in foreign policy; however, no agreement about Pomerania was settled there. One year later, the treaty ended when Zbigniew refused to help his half-brother in his fight against Pomerania. While hunting, Boleslaw was unexpectedly attacked by them. In the battle, the young prince almost lost his life. Bohemia, using the involvement of Boleslaw in the Pomeranian affairs as an excuse, attacked Silesia. The prince tried to re-established the alliance with his half-brother, without success. The effect of this refusal was the rapprochement to the Bohemian Kingdom in 1106. Boleslaw managed to bribe Borivoj 2 and have him join his side in the contest against Zbigniew and shortly after formally allied himself with Coloman of Hungary. With the help of his Kievan and Hungarian allies Boleslaw attacked Zbigniew’s territory, and began a civil war for the supreme power in Poland. The allied forces of Boleslaw easily took control of most important cities including Kalisz, Gniezno, Spycimierz and Leczyca, in effect taking half of Zbigniew’s lands. Through a mediation of Baldwin, Bishop of Kraków, a peace treaty was signed at Leczyca, in which Zbigniew officially recognized Boles?aw as the Supreme Prince of all Poland. However, he was allowed to retain Masovia as a fief.

In 1107 Boleslaw 3 along with his ally King Coloman of Hungary invaded Bohemia in order to aid Svatopluk in gaining the Czech throne. The intervention in the Czech succession was meant to secure Polish interests to the south. The expedition was a full success: on 14 May 1107 Svatopluk was made Duke of Bohemia in Prague.

Later that year Boleslaw undertook a punitive expedition against his brother Zbigniew. The reason for this was that Zbigniew had not followed his orders and had refused to burn down one of the fortresses of Kurów near Pulawy. Another reason was that Zbigniew had not performed his duties as a vassal by failing to provide military aid to Boleslaw for a campaign against the Pomeranians. In the winter of 1107–1108 with the help of Kievan and Hungarian allies, Boleslaw began a final campaign to rid himself of Zbigniew. His forces attacked Mazovia and quickly forced Zbigniew to surrender. Following this Zbigniew was banished from the country and with his followers, took refuge in Prague, where he found support in Svatopluk. From then Boleslaw was the sole lord of the Polish lands, though in fact his over-lordship began in 1107 when Zbigniew paid him homage as his feudal lord.

In 1108 the balance of power in Europe changed. Svatopluk decided to paid homage to Emperor Henry 5 and in exchange received from him the formal investiture of Bohemia. At the same time King Coloman of Hungary was under attack by the combined forces of the Holy Roman Empire and Bohemia. Svatopluk also directed an attack to Poland; in this expedition took part Zbigniew and his followers. Boleslaw avoided a direct confrontation because he was busy in his fight against Pomerania. Now, the Polish-Hungarian coalition decided to give help and shelter to Borivoj 2. Later that year, Boleslaw and Coloman made an new expedition against Bohemia. This expedition was prompted by the invasion of the German-Bohemian coalition to Hungary (siege to Pozsony Castle) and the fact that Svatopluk, who owed Boles?aw his throne, didn't honor his promise in which he returned Silesian cities seized from Poland (Racibórz, Kamieniec, Kozle among others) by his predecessors. Boleslaw then decided to restore Borivoj 2 in the Bohemian throne. This attempt was unsuccessful as a result of the attack of the Pomeranians. Boleslaw was forced to bring his army to the north, where could repelled the invasion. Thanks to this situation, Borivoj 2 failed to regain the throne.

In response to Boleslaw’s aggressive foreign policy, German king and Holy Roman Emperor Henry 5 undertook a punitive expedition against Poland in 1109 (the later called Polish-German War). In this fight, Henry 5 was assisted by Czech warriors provided by Svatopluk of Bohemia. The alleged reason for the war was the exile of Zbigniew and his restoration. Boleslaw received an ultimatum from the German King: he abandoned the expedition against him only if Zbigniew was restored with half of Poland as a rule, the formal recognition of the Holy Roman Empire as overlord and the payment of 300 pieces of fine silver as a regular tribute. Boleslaw rejected. During the negotiations between Germany and Poland, the Polish ruler was in the middle of a war against Pomerania. On the west side of the Oder river, Henry 5 hurriedly gathered knights for his expedition against Poland. Before the fight ended in Pomerania, the German troops have been able to approach Glogów.

The military operations mainly taken place in southwestern Poland, in Silesia, where Henry 5’s army laid siege to major strongholds of Glogów, Wroclaw and Bytom Odrzanski. At this time along with the defense of towns, Boleslaw was conducting a highly effective guerrilla war against the Holy Roman Emperor and his allies, and eventually he defeated the German Imperial forces at the legendary Battle of Hundsfeld on 24 August 1109, who received that name because the dogs devoured the many corpses left in the battlefield. In the end Henry 5 was forced to withdraw from Silesia and Poland altogether. The heroic defense of towns by villagers, where Polish children were used as human shields by the Germans, in large measure contributed to the German inability to succeed and gave the battle a national character.

In 1110 Boleslaw undertook an unsuccessful military expedition against Bohemia. His intention was to install yet another pretender on the Czech throne, Sobeslav 1, who sought refuge in Poland. During the campaign won a decisive victory against the Czechs at the Battle of Trutina on 8 October 1110; however, following this battle he ordered his forces to withdraw further attack against Bohemia. The reason for this is speculated to be the unpopularity of Sobeslav 1 among Czechs as well as Boleslaw’s unwillingness to further deteriorate his relations with the Holy Roman Empire. In 1111 a truce between Poland and the Holy Roman Empire was signed which stipulated that Sobeslav 1 would be able to return to Bohemia while Zbigniew would be able to return Poland. Boleslaw probably also agreed with the return of his half-brother as a result of pressure from the many supporters of the exiled prince in 1108, who according to the reports of Gallus Anonymus was surrounded to bad advisers (in this group unfavorable to Boleslaw was probably Martin 1, Archbishop of Gniezno). Once in Poland, Zbigniew could claim the sovereignty over his previous domains at the instigation of this group. The first step towards this was his presence in the Advent ceremonial (which was forbidden to him by Boleslaw after recognizing him as his overlord in Leczyca in 1107), which is reserved only for rulers. Zbigniew arrived surrounded by attendants, being carried before him a sword. This could be perceived by Boleslaw as an act of treason and caused a definitive breach in their relationship, under which Zbigniew was the vassal and Boleslaw the ruler. Probably these factors influenced Boles?aw's decision of a terrible punishment to Zbigniew: a year later, in 1112, he was blinded on Boleslaw’s orders.

The blinding of Zbigniew caused a strong negative reaction among Boles?aw's subjects. Unlike blinding in the east, blinding in medieval Poland was not accomplished by burning the eyes out with a red hot iron rod or knife, but a much more brutal technique was employed in which the condemned's eyes were pried out using special pliers. The convict was then made to open his eyes and if they did not do so, their eyelids were also removed.

Contemporary sources don't provide clear information if Boleslaw was indeed excluded from the community of the Church. Is generally believed that Archbishop Martin I of Gniezno (who was a strong supporter of Zbigniew) excommunicated Boleslaw for committing this crime against his half-brother. The excommunication exempted all Boleslaw's subjects from his oath to obedience. The prince was faced with a real possibility of uprising, of the sort that deposed Boles?aw the Bold. Seeing his precarious situation Boleslaw sought the customary penance that would reconcile the high priesthood. According to Gallus Anonymus, Boleslaw first fasted for forty days and made gifts to the poors:

...He slept in ashes and sackcloth, among the streams of tears and sobs, as he renounced communion and conversation with people.

It's possible that Boleslaw decided to celebrate a public penance as a result of the negative public response to the blinding of Zbigniew. His intention with this was to rebuild his weakened authority and gain the favor of Zbigniew's supporters. Punishment of blinding was used in medieval Europe to the rebellious nobles. This act of Boles?aw against his half-brother could be received by the Polish society as a breach of the principle of solidarity among the members of the ruling dynasty, accepting the foundation of public order.

According to Gallus, Boleslaw also sought and received forgiveness from his half-brother. In the next part of his penance, the prince made a pilgrimage to Hungary to the Abbeys of Saint Giles in Somogyvár and King Saint Stephen I in Székesfehérvár. The pilgrimage to the Abbey of Saint Giles also had a political goal; Boleslaw strengthened his ties of friendship and alliance with the Arpad dynasty. Following his return to Poland, Boleslaw even traveled to Gniezno to pay further penance at the tomb of Saint Adalbert of Prague, were poor people and clergy received numerous costly gifts from the prince. Only after this the excommunication was finally lifted. Following his repentance the Polish prince made a vague commitment to the Church.

About Zbigniew's death there are not preserved information. In the obituary of the Benedictine monastery in Lubi? dated 8 July 1113 was reported the death of a monk in Tyniec called brother Zbigniew. Historians believed that he could be Boleslaw's half-brother. The information marked that his burial place was in the Benedictine monastery of Tyniec.

The separation of Pomerania during the reign of Casimir 1 the Restorer contributed to the weakening of the Polish state, and subsequent rulers during the second half of the 11th century weren't able to unite all the lands that once belonged to Mieszko 1 and Boleslaw 1 the Brave. All attempts made to reconquer this area failed. Only after defeating Zbigniew and repelling the claims of Bohemia against Silesia during the Polis-German War of 1109, Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth was able to direct the expansion to the West, which he intended to return to Poland.

The issue of conquest of Pomerania had been a lifelong pursuit for Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth. His political goals were twofold;

First – to strengthen the Polish border on the Notec river line,

Second – to subjugate Pomerania with Polish political overlordship but without actually incorporating it into the country with the exception of Gdansk Pomerania and a southern belt north of river Notec which were to be absorbed by Poland.

By 1113 the northern border has been strengthened. The fortified border cities included: Santok, Wielen, Naklo, Czarnków, Ujscie and Wyszogród. Some sources report that the border began at the mouth of river Warta and Oder in the west, ran along the river Notec all the way to the Vistula river.

Before Boleslaw 3 began to expand in Gdansk Pomerania (Pomerelia), he normalized his political relations with Bohemia. This took place in 1114 at a great convention on the border of the Nysa Klodzka river. In addition to Boleslaw also assisted Bohemian princes of the Premyslid line: Vladislaus 1, Otto 2 the Black and Sobeslav 1. The pact was sealed by the marriage of Boleslaw (a widower since his wife Zbyslava's death) with Vladislaus 1 and Otto 2's sister-in-law, the German noblewoman Salomea of Berg.

After being normalized his relations with Bohemia, Boleslaw directed his efforts against Prussia, and in 1115 he made a victorious expedition, ravaging their tribal lands. As a result, the north-east border was at peace, which allowed to freely prepare the invasion to Gdansk Pomerania. The conquest of this part of the Pomeranian lands (made during 1115–19), crowned a long-time struggle of previous Polish rulers. The result was the complete incorporation of the territories on the Vistula River, including the castellany of Naklo, to Poland. Northern borders were established Polish Duchy probably on the line along the rivers Gwda and Uniesta (in later times currents of these rivers were the boundary between Pomerania and the Oder Slavic). It's also possible that the border ran along the Leba.

The local rulers of the conquered Gdansk and Slupsk were removed from power and replaced by Polish nobles. Boleslaw also introduced Polish clerical organization, which was made in order to protect his interests in that territory. However, these areas refused to follow the church organization. The incorporation to the Polish Church occurred only during 1125–1126 at the time of the visit of Papal Legate Gilles, Cardinal-Bishop of Tusculum.

During Boles?aw's Pomeranian campaign a formidable rebellion led by Count Palatine Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family began. The rebellion was quelled by the prince in 1117 and the mutinous nobleman were blinded as punishment. The conflict between Boleslaw and the Awdaniec family is difficult to explain due to the lack of sources. The cause was probably the growing influence of the family, the ambition and jealousy of Skarbimir against Boleslaw and his increased popularity. Another probable factor was the desire to put Wladyslaw 2, Boleslaw's first-born son, as the sole ruler after his death or also Boleslaw's fears to lose his position, as it was in the conflict with Sieciech. It was also suggested that Skarbimir entered in contacts with Pomeranians and Vladimir 2 Monomakh, Grand Prince of Kievan Rus'. Medieval historiography also associated the rebellion with the Law of Succession issued by Boleslaw. The problem with the principle of inheritance appeared between 1115 and 1116 (after the birth of his second son Leszek, first-born from his second marriage). According to one hypothesis Skarbimir objected the adoption of the statute who changed the traditional Polish succession customs. In the suppression of the rebellion played a major role Piotr Wlostowic of the Labedz family, who replaced Skarbimir as Count Palatine. Defeated, Skarbimir received a minor punishment from Boleslaw. The rebellion of Skarbimir also rested importance to the conquest of Gdansk Pomerania.

Probably in the rebellion of Skarbimir intervened the Rurikid ruler Vladimir 2 Monomakh and his sons. In 1118 Monomakh incorporated Volhynia to his domains and expelled his ruler, Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich, who sought refuge firstly in Hungary, then in Poland. In Yaroslav's place, Monomakh put his son Roman as a ruler of Volhynia, and after his early death in 1119, replaced him with another son, Andrew, who in 1120 invaded Polish territory with the support of the Kipchaks tribe. A year later, Boleslaw with the exiled Yaroslav (who was his brother-in-law), organized a retaliatory expedition to Czermno. After this, for several years Boleslaw intervened in the dynastic disputes of the House of Rurik.

During the 1120s the Kievan princes continue their expeditions against Poland. The neutrality of the neighboring Principality of Peremyshl was attributed to Count Palatine Piotr Wlostowic, who in 1122 captured Prince Volodar. A year later Boleslaw intervened again in Volhynia, where he wanted to restore Yaroslav. The expedition (aided by the Bohemian, Hungarian, Peremyshl and Terebovl forces) failed due to the death of Yaroslav and the stubborn resistance of the besieged Volodymyr-Volynskyi, aided by Skarbimir's supporters. This failed military expedition led to disturbances in the Polish-Hungarian-Halych alliance.

Occupation:
In 1121 (or 1119) Pomeranian Dukes Wartislaw 1 and Swietopelk 1 were defeated by Boleslaw's army at the battle of Niek?ad? near Gryfice. Polish troops ravaged Pomerania, destroyed native strongholds, and forced thousands of Pomeranians to resettle deep into Polish territory. Boleslaw's further expansion was directed to Szczecin (1121–1122). He knew that this city was well defended by both the natural barrier of the Oder river and his well-built fortifications, like Kolobrzeg. The only way to approach the walls was through the frozen waters of a nearby swamp. Taking advantage of this element of surprise, Boleslaw launched his assault from precisely that direction, and took control of the city. Much of the population was slaughtered and the survivors were forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler.

A further step is probably fought battles on the western side of the Oder River, where Boleslaw had addressed areas to the Lake Morzyce (now the German Müritz). These areas were outside the territorial scope of Pomeranians. In parallel with the expansion of the Polish ruler to the west continued the conquest of these lands by Lothair, Duke of Saxony (and future Holy Roman Emperor). According to contemporary sources, a Saxon army approaching from above the Elbe River in the direction of today's Rostock. They conquered the Warinis, Circipanes, Kessinians and part of the Tollensers tribes. The expansion led by the two rulers was probably the result of earlier unknown agreements. This was the first step for the later Christianization of Pomeranian lands.

In 1122 Boleslaw finally conquered Western Pomerania, who became a Polish fief. Duke Wartislaw 1 was forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler, paying an annual tribute of 500 marks of fine silver and the obligation to give military aid to Poland at Boleslaw’s request. In subsequent years the tribute was reduced to 300 marks. This success enabled Boleslaw to make further conquests. In 1123 his troops even reached to Rügen, but didn't mastered these areas.

According to modern historiography, Boleslaw began to pay tribute to Emperor Henry 5, at least from 1135. Is believed that the amount was 500 marks of fine silver annually. It's unknown why Boleslaw began to paid homage to Henry 5, as the sources do not mention any reference about the Polish ruler being tributary of the Holy Roman Empire in the period 1121–1135.

In order to make Polish and Pomeranian ties stronger, Boleslaw organized a mission to Christianize the newly acquired territory. The Polish monarch understood that the Christianization of the conquered territory would be an effective means of strengthening his authority there. At the same time he wished to subordinate Pomerania to the Gniezno Archbishopric. Unfortunately first attempts made by unknown missionaries did not make the desired progress. Another attempt, officially sponsored by Boleslaw and led by Bernard the Spaniard, who traveled to Wolin during 1122–1123, has ended in another failure. The next 2 missions were carried out in 1124–1125 and 1128 by Bishop Otto of Bamberg (called the Apostle of Pomerania). After appropriate consultation with Boleslaw, Bishop Otto set out on a first stage of Christianization of the region in 1124. In his mission Otto stayed firstly at Boleslaw's court, where he was provided with appropriate equipment, fire and several clergymen for his trip to Pomerania.

The Bishop was accompanied throughout his mission by the Pomeranian ruler Wartislaw 1, who greeted him on the border of his domains, in the environs of the city of Sanok. In Stargard the pagan prince promised Otto his assistance in the Pomeranian cities as well as help during the journey. He also assigned 500 armored knights to act as guards for the bishop’s protection, and obtain the baptism of the elders tribal leaders. Primary missionary activities were directed to Pyrzyce, then the towns of Kamien, Wolin, Szczecin and once again Wolin. In the first 2 towns the Christianization went without resistance. In Kamien the task was facilitated by the intercession of Wartislaw 1's own wife and dignitaries. At Szczecin and Wolin, which were important centers of Slavic paganism, opposition to conversion was particularly strong among the pagan priests and local population. The conversion was finally accepted only after Boleslaw lowered the annual tribute imposed on the Pomeranians. Four great pagan temples were torn down and churches were built in their places. Otto's mission of 1124 ended with the erection of bishoprics in Lubusz for Western Pomerania and in Kruszwica for Eastern Pomerania (Gdansk), which was subordinated to the Archbishopric of Gniezno.

In 1127 the first pagan rebellions began to take place. These were due to both the large tribute imposed by Poland as well as a plague that descended on Pomerania and which was blamed on Christianity. The rebellions were largely instigated by the old pagan priests, who had not come to terms with their new circumstances. Wartislaw 1 confronted these uprisings with some success, but was unable to prevent several insurgent raids into Polish territory. Because of this Boleslaw was preparing a massive punitive expedition that may have spoiled all the earlier accomplishments of missionary work by Bishop Otto. Thanks to Otto’s diplomacy direct confrontation was avoided and in 1128 he embarked on another mission to Pomerania. Wartislaw 1 greeted Otto at Demmin with some Polish knights. This time more stress was applied to the territories west of the Oder River, i.e. Usedom, Wolgast and Gützkow, which weren't under Polish suzerainty. The final stage of the mission returned to Szczecin, Wolin and Kamien. The Christianization of Pomerania is considered one of the greatest accomplishments of Boleslaw’s Pomeranian policy.

In 1129 Boleslaw concluded with Niels, King of Denmark an alliance directed against Wartislaw 1 and the attempts of Lothair 3, King of Germany to subordinate Western Pomerania. In retaliation for the sack of Plock by Wartislaw 1 in 1128, Polish-Danish troops taken the Western Pomeranian islands of Wolin and Usedom.

At end of the 1120s Boleslaw began to implement an ecclesiastical organization of Pomerania. Gdansk Pomerania was added to the Diocese of Wloclawek, known at the time as the Kujavian Diocese. A strip of borderland north of Notec was split between the Diocese of Gniezno and Diocese of Poznan. The bulk of Pomerania was however made an independent Pomeranian bishopric (whose first Bishop was one of the participants in the missionary expedition and former Polish royal chaplain, Adalbert), set up in the territory of the Duchy of Pomerania in 1140, and after Boles?aw had died in 1138 the duchy became independent from Poland.

During the 1130s a project was designed by Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, under which Pomerania would be divided between two dioceses subordinated to the Archbishopric of Magdeburg. At the same, he revivied the old claims about Magdeburg's ecclesiastical sovereignty over all Poland. A first Bull was prepared already in 1131, but never entered into force. Despite adversity, Norbert continued his actions to subdue the Polish Church during 1132–1133. For the Polish bishops, a call was made in the Curia.

The Polish bishops didn't appear before Pope Innocent 2, which resulted in the issuing of the Bull Sacrosancta Romana in 1133, which confirmed the sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church and the projected Pomeranian dioceses. The formal privilegium maius was the culmination of Norbert's efforts. Boleslaw, trying to save his past efforts in Pomeranian politics, opted for his submission at Merseburg in 1135.

To consolidate his power over Pomerania Boleslaw conducted in 1130 an expedition to the island of Rügen. For this purpose, he concluded an alliance with the Danish duke Magnus Nilsson (his son-in-law) who provided him with a fleet in exchange for support in his efforts to obtain the Swedish throne. The fleet of Magnus transported Polish troops to the shores of the island of Rügen. However, the intended battle on the island doesn't happen, because the Rani at the sight of the Polish-Danish combined forces recognize Boleslaw 's overlordship.

After the successful invasion to the Danish capital, Roskilde in 1134 Boleslaw formed an alliance with Wartislaw 1 of Pomerania against King Eric 2 of Denmark (an ally of Emperor Lothair 3). The role of the Polish prince was limited only to aid the House of Griffins, not due while the real interest in Danish affairs. The Danish, after repelling the first attack, in retaliation led an expedition who led to their expansion into the lands of Pomerania.

In 1125 Henry 5, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany, died. His successor, Lothair of Supplinburg, has been embroiled in disputes over his inheritance. For the Imperial crown, he became involved in the affairs of the Papacy. In 1130 there was a double election to the Apostolic See. Lothair supported Pope Innocent 2, hoping in this way to secure his own coronation. Contrary to was expected, Lothair's Imperial coronation didn't end his disputes against the contenders for the German throne.

In 1130 Boleslaw controlled the areas situated on the left bank of the Oder river on the island of Rügen. Germany also wanted to control these lands, but the internal political situation and the involvement in the civil war in Hungary, however, didn't allow an armed conflict. The Bull Sacrosancta Romana of 1133 give the Archbishopric of Magdeburg sovereign rights over the Pomeranian dioceses instituted by Boleslaw.

The death of King Stephen 2 of Hungary in 1131 led the country into civil war between two claimaints to the throne: Béla the Blind (son of Álmos, Duke of Croatia) and Boris (the alleged son of King Coloman). Boris sought the help of the Polish ruler, who hoped for a closer alliance with Hungary and cooperation with the Kievan Rus' princes (Boris was a son of a daughter of Vladimir 2 Monomakh). However, Boleslaw overestimated his strength against Béla, who counted with the support of almost all his country. The Polish army faced the combined forces of Hungary, Bohemia, Austria and Germany in the Battle of the Sajó river (22 July 1132), where the coalition had a complete victory over the Polish prince, who was forced to retreat.

The success in Hungary was used by the Bohemian ruler Sobeslav 1, an Imperial vassal, who during 1132–1134 repeatedly led invasions to Silesia. The issue over the property of Silesia was subjected to the decision of Lothair 3.

In February 1134 Sobeslav 1 of Bohemia and dignitaries of King Béla 2 of Hungary, together with Bishop Peter of Székesfehérvár went to Altenburg, where they presented their allegations against the Polish ruler. They asked the intervention of the Holy Roman Empire (preliminary requests occurred two years earlier). Lothair 3 accepted the request, acting as an arbitrator in the dynastic disputes in Central Europe.

At the same time Béla 2 and Prince Volodymyrko of Peremyshl undertook a military expedition against Poland. The combined forces occupied Lesser Poland, reaching to Wislica. Shortly after, Boleslaw received a summons to the Imperial court at Magdeburg on 26 June 1135. Playing for time, however, he only send deputies. The emperor sent another delegation and requested a personal appearance of the Polish ruler, setting a new date on 15 August 1135, this time in Merseburg. Boleslaw realized that without an agreement with Lothair 3 he couldn't maintain the control over the newly conquered lands on the west side of the Oder and the island of Rügen.

Even before the Congress of Merseburg was performed, Boleslaw persuaded one of ruling princes of Western Pomerania, Ratibor 1 to make an expedition against Denmark. It was a clear expression of ostentation to Emperor Lothair 3 because the King of Denmark was a German vassal. The fleet formed by 650 boats (with 44 knights and 2 horses) attacked the rich Norwegian port city of Kungahälla (now Kungälv in Sweden).

The Congress took place on 15 August 1135. During the ceremony, Emperor Lothair 3 recognized the rights of the Polish ruler over Pomerania. In retribution, Boleslaw agreed to paid homage for the Pomeranian lands and the Principality of Rügen, with the payment of 6.000 pieces of fine silver from these lands to the Holy Roman Empire; however he remained fully independent ruler of his main realm, Poland. With Boleslaw's death in 1138, Polish authority over Pomerania ended, triggering competition of the Holy Roman Empire and Denmark for the area. The conflict with Hungary also ended, with Boleslaw recognizing Béla 2's rule. The agreement was sealed with the betrothal of Boleslaw's daughter Judith with Béla 2's Géza (this marriage never took place). In case of the Bohemian-Polish dispute the Imperial mediation failed. Boleslaw argued he must be treated as a sovereign ruler, who wasn't the case of Sobeslav 1, an imperial vassal. Lothair 3, unable to come to an agreement with the Polish ruler, proposed to discuss the matter in subsequent negotiations.

The Congress ended with church ceremonies, during which Boleslaw carried the imperial sword. This was an honor granted only to sovereign rulers. An indirect goal of Polish diplomacy was the successful invalidation of the Papal Bull of 1133 and the recognition of metropolitan rights of the Archbishopric of Gniezno at the Synod in Pisa in 1135. On 7 July 1136 was issued the protectionist Bull Ex commisso nobis a Deo under which Pope Innocent 2 confirmed the unquestioned sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Gniezno over the Polish dioceses.

After entering in the imperial sphere of influence, Poland normalized his relations with Bohemia at the Congress of Klodzko on 30 May 1137 (the so-called Peace of Klodzko), but the details of this agreement are unknown. This treaty was confirmed in the town of Niemcza, where Wladyslaw, the eldest son of Boleslaw, stood as godfather in the baptism of Wenceslaus, Sobeslav 1's son.

In the last years of his life, Boleslaw's main concern was to arranged political marriages for his children in order to strengthening his relations with neighboring countries. In 1137 Boleslaw reinforced his relations with the Kievan Rus' with the marriage of his son Boleslaw with Princess Viacheslava, daughter of Vsevolod, Prince of Pskov. In the year of his death, by contrast, finally normalized his relations with Hungary through the marriage of his son Mieszko with Princess Elizabeth, daughter of King Béla 2.

Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth died on 28 October 1138, probably in the town of Sochaczew. There are no records about the circumstances of his death. 12th century sources didn't provide information about his place of burial. It was only in the 15th century, when Jan Dlugosz recorded that the Prince's tomb was in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral in Plock. However, he didn't showed from where took this information. Presumably the chronicler took this report from the lost Rocznik mazowiecki. Wawrzyniec Wszerecz, Canon of Plock during the 16th–17th century, wrote that Boleslaw was in a common coffin at the Cathedral, where the remains of his father Wladyslaw 1 Herman and several other Piast Masovian rulers were also placed.

Boleslav married Salome av Berg-Schelklingen about 1115. Salome (daughter of Henrik av Berg-Schelklingen and Adelheid av Mochental) was born about Oct 1101; died on 27 Jul 1144. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Vsevolod. Vsevolod died about 1136. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1108, Frankrike; konge

Notes:

Birth:
Rheims, Marne.

Died:
Melun, Aquitaine.

Philippe married Bertha av Holland about 1080. Bertha was born about 1054 in Vlaardingen, Zuid-Holland, Nederland; died about 1094 in Angers, Maine-et-Loire, Pays de la Loire, Frankrike. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Ingeborg married Knud Eriksen about 1117. Knud (son of Erik Sveinsen av Danmark, "Erik 1" and Bodil Thorgautsdatter) was born on 12 Mar 1096 in Roskilde, Sjælland, Danmark; died on 07 Jan 1131 in Haraldsted skov, Ringsted, Midtsjælland, Sjælland, Danmark; was buried after 07 Jan 1131 in Danmark. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Malmfrid married Sigurd Magnusen av Norge between 1116 and 1120. Sigurd (son of Magnus Olavsen av Norge, "Magnus 2" and Tora Saksesdatter Vik) was born about 1090 in Bergen, Hordaland, Vestland, Norge; died on 26 Mar 1130 in Oslo, Norge; was buried after 26 Mar 1130 in Oslo, Norge. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Erik Eriksen av Danmark, "Erik 2". Erik (son of Erik Sveinsen av Danmark, "Erik 1" and Bodil Thorgautsdatter) was born about 1090; died on 18 Sep 1137 in Ribe, Esbjerg, Jylland, Danmark; was buried after 18 Sep 1137 in Ribe, Esbjerg, Jylland, Danmark. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Valdemar Knutsen av Danmark, "Valdemar 1". Valdemar (son of Knud Eriksen and Ingeborg Mstislavsdatter av Kiev) was born on 14 Jan 1131; died on 12 May 1182. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1229, Isle of Man, England; King of the Isles (del 1).
• Occupation: Bef 1229, Isle of Man, England; King of the Isles (del 2).

Notes:

Occupation:
Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson (died 14 February 1229) ruled as King of the Isles from 1187 to 1226. He was the eldest son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles. Although the latter may have intended for his younger son, Óláfr, to succeed to the kingship, the Islesmen chose Ragnvaldr, who was likely Óláfr's half-brother. Ragnvaldr went on to rule the Kingdom of the Isles for almost forty years before losing control to Óláfr.

Acclaimed in one near contemporary Scandinavian source as - the greatest warrior in the western lands - Ragnvaldr lent military aid to William 1, King of Scotland against the disaffected Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness, and occupied Caithness for a short period of time at about the turn of the thirteenth century. Like his predecessors, Ragnvaldr was closely associated with the rulers of northern Wales. An unnamed daughter of his was betrothed to Rhodri ab Owain, a dynast of the ruling family of Gwynedd. In 1193, Ragnvaldr lent military aid to Rhodri against his rivals. Ragnvaldr was also involved in Irish affairs, as he was the brother-in-law of John de Courcy, one of the most powerful of the incoming Englishmen. With Courcy's eventual fall from power in the first decade of the thirteenth century, Ragnvaldr aided him in an unsuccessful attack on Courcy's rivals.

On numerous occasions from 1205 to 1219, Ragnvaldr bound himself to the English Crown by rendering homage to John, King of England and his successor, Henry 3, King of England. In return for his vassalage, these English rulers promised to assist Ragnvaldr against any threats to his realm, whilst Ragnvaldr pledged to protect English interests in the Irish Sea zone. With the strengthening of Norwegian kingship in the first half of the century, the Norwegian Crown began to look towards the Isles, and in 1210 the region fell prey to a destructive military expedition. In consequence, R?gnvaldr rendered homage to Ingi Bårðarson, King of Norway. The resurgence of Norwegian authority threat may well have been the reason why R?gnvaldr submitted to Pope Honorius 3 in 1219, and promised to pay a perpetual tribute for the protection of his realm.

Óláfr's allotment in Ragnvaldr's island-kingdom appears to have been Lewis and Harris. When confronted by Óláfr for more territory, Ragnvaldr had him seized and incarcerated by the Scots. After almost seven years in captivity, Óláfr was released in 1214, and Ragnvaldr arranged for him to marry the sister of his own wife. Óláfr was able to have this marriage annulled, sometime after 1217, whereupon he married the daughter of a rising Scottish magnate. Outright warfare broke out between the half-brothers in the 1220s, and Óláfr's gains forced Ragnvaldr to turn to the powerful Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway. Ragnvaldr and Alan bound themselves through the marriage of an unnamed daughter of Ragnvaldr to Alan's illegitimate son, Thomas. The prospect of a future Gallovidian king prompted the Manxmen to depose Ragnvaldr in favour of Óláfr. Although Ragnvaldr was initially aided against Óláfr by Alan and his family, Gallovidian military support dramatically diminished over time. On 14 February 1229, the forces of Ragnvaldr and Óláfr clashed for the last time, and Ragnvaldr himself was slain. His body was conveyed to St Mary's Abbey, Furness and buried.

The main source for Ragnvaldr and his reign is the thirteenth–fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann, a historical account of the rulers of the Hebrides and Mann—the Crovan dynasty in particular—which survives in a Latin manuscript dating to the mid fourteenth century.

Ragnvaldr was a son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1187), and a member of the Crovan dynasty. In the mid twelfth century, Guðrøðr Óláfsson inherited the kingship of the Isles, a region comprising the Hebrides and Mann. He soon faced internal opposition from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164), who seized the Inner Hebridean portion of the kingdom in 1153. Three years later, Somairle seized the entire kingdom, and ruled the entirety of the Isles until his death in 1164. Although Guðrøðr Óláfsson regained the kingship, the territories lost to his brother-in-law in 1153 were retained by the latter's descendants, the Meic Somairle (or Clann Somairle).

Guðrøðr Óláfsson had one daughter and at least three sons: Affrica (died 1219-), Ívarr, Óláfr, and Ragnvaldr himself. Although nothing else is certain of Ívarr, Óláfr's mother appears to have been Findguala Nic Lochlainn, an Irishwoman whose marriage to Guðrøðr Óláfsson was formalised in 1176-1177, about the time of Óláfr's birth. When Guðrøðr Óláfsson died in 1187, the Chronicle of Mann claims that he left instructions for Óláfr to succeed to the kingship since the latter had been born in lawful wedlock. Whether this is an accurate record of events is uncertain, as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Ragnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr, who was only a child at the time, Ragnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.

Although the chronicle seems to imply that Findguala was also Ragnvaldr's mother, at no point does the source state as much. In fact, there is evidence which strongly suggests that Ragnvaldr was the son of another woman. For example, the surviving fragments of a letter sent from Óláfr to Henry 3, King of England (died 1272) in about 1228 reveal that Óláfr described Ragnvaldr as a bastard son of his father. Furthermore, the contemporary Gaelic praise-poem, Baile suthach síth Emhna, declares that he was a son of Sadb, an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been an unrecorded wife or concubine of Guðrøðr. The likelihood that Ragnvaldr and Óláfr had different mothers may well explain the intense conflict between the 2 men in the years that followed. This continuing kin-strife is one of the main themes of Ragnvaldr's long reign.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Ragnvaldr gave Óláfr possession of a certain island called Lodhus. The chronicle disparagingly describes the island as being mountainous and rocky, completely unsuitable for cultivation, and declares that its small population lived mostly by hunting and fishing.
In fact, Lewis is the northern part of the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis and Harris. Whilst the southern part — Harris — is somewhat mountainous, the aforesaid northern part – Lewis - is rather flat and boggy. The chronicle, therefore, seems to have conflated the northern and southern parts of the island.
Whatever the case, the chronicle claims that, because of the impoverishment of his lands, Óláfr was unable to support himself and his followers, and that in consequence he led a sorry life. The chronicle's otherwise perceptible prejudice against Ragnvaldr's branch of the Crovan dynasty, and its apparent bias in favour of Mann over the northern-most reaches of the realm, may also account for the such a denigrating depiction of the lands allotted to Óláfr.

In consequence of this supposed poverty, the chronicle claims that Óláfr went to Ragnvaldr, who was also living in the Hebrides, and confronted him for more land. Ragnvaldr's stated response was to have Óláfr seized and sent to William 1, King of Scotland (died 1214), who kept him imprisoned for almost seven years. It may be more probable, however, that Ragnvaldr had taken action against Óláfr because the latter had approached the Norwegian Crown, and offered himself as a more palatable vassal-king in return for Norwegian support in deposing Ragnvaldr.

Whatever the case, the chronicle states that William died during the seventh year of Óláfr's captivity, and that William had ordered the release of all his political prisoners before his passing. Since William died in December 1214, Óláfr's incarceration appears to have spanned between about 1207 and 2014 or early 1215. Upon Óláfr's release, the chronicle reveals that the half-brothers met on Mann, after which Óláfr set off on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.

At roughly this period, in 1209, the fifteenth–sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster reports that the sons of Ragnall mac Somairle (died 1191-1192 – c.1210-1227) attacked Skye and slaughtered many of the Skyemen. It is unknown if this invasion of Ragnvaldr's realm was any way related to the slaying of Ragnall's brother, Áengus mac Somairle, and the latter's three sons, in the following year. What is certain, however, is that these, and other records concerning the Meic Somairle, reveal that the Crovan dynasty was not alone in introducing instability into the Isles. In fact, the elimination of Áengus and his sons appears to have had serious repercussions on not only the Meic Somairle succession, but Ragnvaldr's kingship in the Isles.

There is earlier evidence of amicable relations between Ragnvaldr and William. The latter faced a series of revolts during his reign, with one particular problem being Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness (died 1206). At some point in the last half of the twelfth century, Haraldr Maddaðarson put aside his first wife, and married Hvarfl?ð, described by the thirteenth-centuryOrkneyinga saga as the daughter of an Earl of Moray named Máel Coluim. It may well have been through Hvarfl?ð that Haraldr Maddaðarson was drawn into conflict with the Scottish Crown. Whatever the case, a major continuing theme of Haraldr Maddaðarson's career was the constant assertion of Scottish and Norwegian royal authority into is domain, and his remarkable resistance to such interference.

In 1196, Haraldr Maddaðarson appears to have gained control of Moray. Although William was able to reassert authority in the north, and hand Caithness over to Haraldr Eiríksson (died 1197-1198), a more amiable applicant, Haraldr Maddaðarson managed to overcome the latter, and regained control of the earldom.

It may have been at this point where Ragnvaldr entered the fray. According to Orkneyinga saga, once William learned that Haraldr Maddaðarson had taken control of Caithness, Ragnvaldr was tasked to intervene on behalf of the Scottish Crown. Having received the king's message, the saga records that Ragnvaldr gathered an armed host from the Isles, Kintyre, and Ireland, and went forth into Caithness, where he subdued the region. With the coming of winter, the saga records that Ragnvaldr returned to the Isles after having left three stewards in Caithness. When Haraldr Maddaðarson later had one of these stewards murdered, the saga states that William forced him into submission. The fact that Haraldr Maddaðarson only reasserted his authority action after Ragnvaldr's return to the Isles, coupled with the punishing fine that the former former imposed upon the Caithnessmen once regaining control, suggests that Ragnvaldr had enjoyed support in the region.

Ragnvaldr's involvement in Caithness is also noted by the contemporary English chronicler Roger de Hoveden (died 1201-1202). According to Roger's Chronica, after two rounds of negotiations between Haraldr Maddaðarson and William failed, Ragnvaldr intervened and bought Caithness from William. The precise date of Ragnvaldr's venture is uncertain, although it appears to have occurred in about 1200.
Just prior to Ragnvaldr's involvement, Roger records that Haraldr Maddaðarson ventured into the Isles where he reinforced himself with an armed fleet, before returning to Orkney and Caithnes, and defeating Haraldr Eiríksson at Wick. If this part of Roger's account refers to military aid being received from Ragnvaldr's realm, the fact that Ragnvaldr and Haraldr Maddaðarson later became opponents would appear to reveal the fragility of certain of alliances.
On the other hand, if Roger's account refers to the domain of the Meic Somairle, it could be evidence that Haraldr Maddaðarson was able to garner support from Ragnvaldr's rivals.

Although not descended from previous Orcadian earls, Ragnvaldr could perhaps be considered related to these Norwegian magnates by right of his paternal grandfather's marriage to Ingibj?rg, daughter of Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney (died 1137). If this was indeed the case, William's act of using Ragnvaldr in Caithness may have been an example of the king playing one member of the jarlsaetten against another.

The jarlsaetten were people who possessed a claim to an earldom, in accordance with Norse custom, by right of their descent from previous earls. In fact, William made use of the jarlsaetten when he had earlier granted Caithness to Haraldr Eiríksson, a grandson of Ragnvaldr Kali Kolsson, Earl of Orkney (died 1158). On the other hand, the fact that Ragnvaldr possessed no known blood relationship with the earls could conversely be evidence that he was the first Scottish-backed ruler of Caithness without a personal connection to the Orcadian jarlsaetten.

Whatever the case, although it is not impossible that Ragnvaldr ruled as Earl of Caithness for a short
Ragnvaldr's participation in league with the Scottish Crown could have stemmed from his kinship with the Constable of Scotland, Roland fitz Uhtred, Lord of Galloway (died 1200), or perhaps resulted from a shared enmity towards the Meic Somairle.

There is much confusion surrounding two twelfth-century magnates named Máel Coluim. One was Máel Coluim mac Áeda, Earl of Ross (died c. 1168), whilst the other was Máel Coluim mac Alasdair (fl. 1134), an illegitimate son of Alexander I, King of Scotland (died 1124).

The latter Máel Coluim attempted to seize the Scottish throne earlier in the twelfth century, and appears to have been related in marriage to Somairle's family. If Hvarfl?ð's father was this Máel Coluim, it could explain an alliance between Haraldr Maddaðarson and the Meic Somairle.[112]Such an alliance with Ragnvaldr's rivals could also explain the Scottish Crown's use of him against Haraldr Maddaðarson.

From its earliest years, the Crovan dynasty forged alliances with the northern Welsh rulers of the Kingdom of Gwynedd. Some of the earliest evidence of Ragnvaldr's kingship concerns his involvement in northern Wales. During the late twelfth century, the region was wracked by vicious interdynastic warring. In 1190, one of Gruffudd's grandsons, Rhodri ab Owain Gwynedd (died 1195), was ejected from Anglesey apparently by the sons of his own brother, Cynan ab Owain Gwynedd (died 1174).

The thirteenth/fourteenth-century Brenhinedd y Saesson and the thirteenth/fourteenth-century Brut y Tywysogyon reveal that Ragnvaldr militarily supported Rhodri in his successful re-acquisition of Anglesey 3 years later.

Another mediaeval Welsh text, the fourteenth-century O Oes Gwrtheyrn Gwrtheneu, refers to the year 1193 as haf y Gwyddyl (the summer of the Gaels), which appears to
Ragnvaldr and Rhodri were also bound together by a marital alliance, as a papal letter, dated November 1199, indicates that an unnamed daughter of Ragnvaldr was betrothed to Rhodri.
Although the precise date of the marriage is unknown, Ragnvaldr's military support of Rhodri in 1193 was almost certainly related to it. Rhodri died in 1195, and the same papal letter indicates that his widow was arranged to marry his nephew, Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of Gwynedd (died 1240). The arrangement appears to have taken place in the context of Llywelyn's consolidation in Gwynedd. Like his uncle, Llywelyn appears to have intended to establish an alliance with the Islesmen in order strengthen his position in Wales.
Although the arrangement may well evidence Ragnvaldr's power and influence in the region, Llywelyn clearly extricated himself from the arrangement in order to bind himself in marriage to a much stronger and more influential superpower, the English Crown.
Although certain correspondence with the papacy reveals that the marriage between Llywelyn and Ragnvaldr's daughter had received papal approval in April 1203, another letter shows that the ratification was reversed on a technicality in February 1205. This ruling was clearly one of convenience for Llywelyn, as the latter was by this time married to Joan (died 1237), an illegitimate daughter of John, King of England (died 1216).

This may have been about the time when Ragnvaldr himself first entered into what would be an enduring relationship with the English Crown.
There may be further evidence of Ragnvaldr's Welsh connections. According to several non-contemporary Welsh genealogical tracts, the mother of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Prince of Wales (died 1282) was an otherwise unknown daughter of Ragnvaldr named Rhanullt.
If correct, these sources could indicate that Llywelyn's father, Gruffydd ap Llywelyn Fawr (died 1244) married a daughter of Ragnvaldr in about 1220. Contemporary sources, however, show that Llywelyn's mother was Senana, an undoubted wife of Gruffydd.
In yet another Welsh pedigree — one compiled by the herald and poet Lewys Dwnn (died 1616-) — Ragnvaldr is stated have had an otherwise unknown son named Hywel. Although the reliability of such late genealogical sources is suspect, Ragnvaldr's known dealings with leading Welsh dynasts could lend weight to the possibility that he had an otherwise unknown Welsh wife or concubine.

Ragnvaldr was also responsible for the Welsh translation of mediaeval texts dealing with Charlemagne and Roland. There are ten surviving manuscripts, dating no later than the seventeenth century, which preserve the thirteenth-century Cân Rolant, the Welsh version of La chanson de Roland. Along with the Welsh versions of the twelfth-century texts Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi and Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne, Cân Rolant comprises part of the Welsh Charlemagne cycle.
All but 1 of the 10 manuscripts contain a colophon noting that Ragnvaldr was responsible for the translation. The work appears to have taken place at some point after his accession, and possibly following the marriage of his daughter to Rhodri. The catalyst for the translations is uncertain. During the reign of his contemporary, Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway (died 1263), many Anglo-Norman manuscripts were translated into Old Norse, including those that became the thirteenth-century Karlamagnús saga.
Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi and Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne appear to have been known in Scandinavia by the twelfth century, and it is possible that Ragnvaldr became familiar with them whilst in Norway, leading him to commission a translation of his own. On the other hand, he could have also become familiar with the tales whilst in England. Ragnvaldr's aforesaid familial links with the Welsh, and perhaps Cistercian connections between Mann and Wales, may account for his part in the translations into Welsh. The work itself was seemingly carried out at the Ceredigion monastery of Llanbadarn Fawr, once a centre of Welsh scholarship.

Although Ragnvaldr is completely ignored by the Irish annals, other historical sources indicate that he indeed had Irish connections. For example, Orkneyinga saga notes that, when he lent military support to William 1n Caithness, Ragnvaldr led a large army drawn from Ireland. Also linking Ragnvaldr to Ireland is Henry 3's summons to Ragnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, commanding him to explain the excesses committed upon the people of our Lord the King, as well in England as in Ireland. Baile suthach síth Emhna also reveals connections with the island. Although the poem undoubtedly exaggerates Ragnvaldr's feats, its claims of devastating raids into Ireland may not be complete fantasy, as evidenced by the aforesaid summons.

The poem also alludes to Ragnvaldr's claim to kingship in Ireland, and appears to evince the prospect of seizing power in Dublin. Ragnvaldr's antecessors were certainly closely associated with the Norse-Gaelic Kingdom of Dublin. However, with the kingdom's collapse at the hands of English adventurers in 1170, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by this threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone. Despite the dynasty's original opposition to the English in Dublin, it did not take long to realign itself with this new power, as exemplified through a marital alliance between Ragnvaldr's sister, Affrica, and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy (died c. 1219).
In 1177, Courcy led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down). He reached Down (modern day Downpatrick), drove off Ruaidrí Mac Duinn Sléibe, King of Ulaid (died 1201), consolidated his conquest, and ruled his lands with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century. Although the date of the marriage between Courcy and Affrica is uncertain, the union may well have attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland. The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past-history between them, and it is possible that Courcy's marital alliance with the Crovan dynasty was the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid. In fact, Guðrøðr Óláfsson formalised his marriage to Findguala in 1176-1177, and thereby bound his dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn of Cenél nEógain, another traditional foe of the Ulaid. Courcy would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage, whilst Guðrøðr Óláfsson would have used Courcy's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.

Courcy's fall from power occurred in a series of conflicts with the English Crown between 1201 and 1204. By 1205 he was forced from Ireland altogether, and his lands were awarded to Hugh de Lacy (died 1242). During Courcy's subsequent revolt within the year, he received military support from Ragnvaldr, his brother-in-law. The Chronicle of Mann specifies that Courcy's massive force was reinforced by Ragnvaldr with one hundred ships, and states that they laid siege to a certain castle of Roth, before being beaten back with the arrival of Walter de Lacy (died 1241).
The expedition is also recorded by the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé, which states that Courcy brought a fleet from the Isles to battle the Lacys. Although the expedition ultimately proved a failure, the source indicates that the surrounding countryside was plundered and destroyed by the invaders. The identity of the castle named by the chronicle is almost certainly Dundrum Castle, which was possibly constructed by Courcy before 1203. The defeat of 1205 marks the downfall of Courcy, who never regained his Irish lands.

Ragnvaldr's involvement in Ireland, and his connection with Courcy, may have led to contact with the English kings John and Henry 3. In fact, Courcy's final downfall may have been somewhat of a relief to Ragnvaldr, since it meant that he was no longer caught between conflicting loyalties he would owe to both the English Crown and brother-in-law.

On 8 February 1205, the year of the aforesaid attack on Dundrum, John took Ragnvaldr under his protection. Exactly a year later, John issued Ragnvaldr safe conduct for fifteen days to come to England for Easter (22 April 1206). A further record dated 28 April reveals that Ragnvaldr rendered homage to John during this Easter sojourn, and states that the latter ordered the Sheriff of Lancaster to assign thirty marcates of land to Ragnvaldr. Accordingly, the Lancashire Pipe Rolls reveal that the sheriff associated twenty librates of land with Ragnvaldr during the year spanning Michaelmas 1205 and Michaelmas 1206. Since the rolls do not name any estate associated with Ragnvaldr, he does not appear to have been assigned any lands, but rather a charge upon the ferm of the county. On 29 April, John ordered his treasurer to pay thirty marks to Ragnvaldr.
About a year later, on 17 June 1207, John ordered the sheriff to assign Ragnvaldr with twenty liberates of land, a payment which is also confirmed by the Lancashire Pipe Rolls.

Ragnvaldr's increasing interaction with the English Crown after Courcy's fall suggests that the English king not only orchestrated Courcy's undoing, but purposely detached Ragnvaldr from the latter. Such an act not only considerably weakened Courcy, but lessened the chance of a Lacy counterstroke against Ragnvaldr that could potentially destabilise the Irish Sea region. In fact, the aforesaid collapse of Ragnvaldr's marital alliance with Llywelyn ap Iorwerth took place at about the same time, and it is possible that this breakup was masterminded by the English as well.

In 1210, the Chronicle of Mann reports that John led five hundred ships to Ireland. Whilst Ragnvaldr and his men were absent from Mann, part of John's forces are recorded to have landed and ravaged it for a fortnight before departing with hostages. There is does not appear to be any other evidence of possibly poor relations between Ragnvaldr and John at this time. Since the men were clearly on friendly terms between 1205 and 1207, John's assault on the island does not appear to connected to Ragnvaldr's earlier campaigning with (the then-disgraced) Courcy. Instead, it is likely that the devastation was related to John's souring relations with the Lacy and the Briouze families. In 1208, William de Briouze (died 1211), with his wife and family, fled from John to Ireland, where they were harboured by the Lacys. When John arrived in Ireland in 1210, the Briouzes fled towards Scotland, and were apprehended in Galloway by Courcy's close associate and Ragnvaldr's kinsman Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick (died 1250).

A link between the flight of the Briouzes and Ragnvaldr appears in the thirteenth-century Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre, which states that, whilst en route to Scotland just before their capture, the Briouzes stayed on Mann for four days. Although it is impossible to know for certain whether Ragnvaldr sanctioned the arrival of the fleeing Briouzes, their close connection with the Lacys, and Ragnvaldr's close connection with Courcy — a man who had been forced from his Irish lands by the Lacys — both strongly suggest that cooperation between Ragnvaldr and Briouze is unlikely. Whatever the case, English depredations on Mann are corroborated by other sources, such as the Annals of Loch Cé, and the continuation of William de Newburgh's (died 1198-) Historia rerum Anglicarum. In his own account of events, John declared that he had learned of the capture of Briouze's wife and children whilst at Carrickfergus, a statement which may hint that the attack on Mann was punitive in nature.

If the attack was indeed a case of retaliation it may not have been due to Ragnvaldr's own involvement with enemies of the English Crown. The fleeing Briouzes were also accompanied by Hugh himself, but unlike them he managed to elude capture, and was temporarily harboured in Scotland by Ailín 2, Earl of Lennox (died 1217). The Lacys' previous connections with Dublin and Ulster suggest that Hugh may have had supporters on Mann. In fact, his stay-over in Ragnvaldr's absence may have been enabled due to the fraternal discord between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr.

Occupation:
In the years between the death of Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) and the reign of Hákon, Norwegian power in the Isles was negligible due to an ongoing civil war in Norway In the mid twelfth century, however, during his visit to Norway, Ragnvaldr's father appears to have become a vassal of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) Certainly the twelfth-century Norman chronicler Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186) reported a mid-century meeting between Henry 2, King of England (died 1189), William, and the Bishop of the Isles, where it was stated that the kings of the Isles were obliged to pay the kings of Norway ten marks of gold upon the latter's accession.

Whilst bound to the English Crown in 1210, Ragnvaldr appears to have found himself the target of renewed Norwegian hegemony in the Isles.
Specifically, the Icelandic annals reveal that a military expedition from Norway to the Isles was in preparation in 1209. The following year, the same source notes warfare in the Isles, and reveals that Iona was pillaged. These reports are corroborated by B?glunga s?gur, a thirteenth-century saga-collection that survives in 2 versions. Both versions reveal that a fleet of Norwegians plundered in the Isles, and the shorter version notes how men of the Birkibeinar and the Baglar — 2 competing sides of the Norwegian civil war — decided to recoup their financial losses with a twelve-ship raiding expedition into the Isles.
The longer version states that Ragnwald (styled Konge aff Möen i Syderö) and Gudroder (styled Konge paa Manö) had not paid their taxes due to the Norwegian kings. In consequence, the source records that the Isles were ravaged until the two travelled to Norway and reconciled themselves with Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway (died 1217), whereupon the two took their lands from Ingi as a lén (or fief).

The aforesaid kings of B?glunga s?gur almost most likely represent Ragnvaldr and his son, Guðrøðr Dond (died 1231). The skattr (or tax) that Ragnvaldr and his son rendered to Ingi appears to be the same tribute that Robert noted in his aforesaid account. The submission of the Islesmen appears to have been undertaken in the context of the strengthening position of the Norwegian Crown following the settlement between the Birkibeinar and Baglar, and the simultaneous weakening of the Crovan dynasty due to internal infighting. The destructive Norse activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment from Norway due to Ragnvaldr's recalcitrance in terms of, not only his Norwegian obligations, but his recent reorientation towards the English Crown. The fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered in Norway may well indicate the importance that he placed on his relations with Ragnvaldr and his contemporaries in the Isles.

Ragnvaldr may have also used his journey as a means to safeguard the kingship against the claims of Óláfr. His presence there may explain his absence from Mann during the aforesaid ravaging of the island by the English. In fact, Ragnvaldr's submission to Ingi could have been contributed to the English attack, as it may have given the English an incentive to devastate Ragnvaldr's lands because he had bound himself to John only a few years previous. Although John had originally installed Hugh as Earl of Ulster, he proceeded to dismantle the lordship after Hugh gave refuge to the Briouzes. The ravaging of Mann, therefore, may have been a further demonstration of English royal power directed at a disloyal vassal. If this was indeed the case, Ragnvaldr's submission to the Norwegian Crown—although apparently undertaken to safeguard his kingdom—clearly resulted in severe repercussions.

Numerous sources reveal that, in the years following the aforesaid ravaging of Mann and plundering of the Isles, Ragnvaldr bound himself closer to the English Crown. Whilst at Lambeth on 16 May 1212, for instance, during what was likely his second visit to England in six years, Ragnvaldr formally swore that he was John's liegeman. Ragnvaldr's visit to England is corroborated by a record, dated 20 May, regarding the English Crown's payment of ten marks for conducting Ragnvaldr home. Further corroboration is provided by the record, dated 16 May, concerning the release of some of Ragnvaldr's men who had been held in custody at Porchester and Dover.

In another record, also dated 16 May, John authorised his seneschals, governors, and bailiffs in Ireland to come to Ragnvaldr's aid in the event that his territory was threatened by Wikini or others, since Ragnvaldr had bound himself to do the same against John's own enemies. The record of Wikini or Vikings in this order may refer to the Norwegian raiders, like those who plundered the Isles in 1210. This particular source reveals that, not only was Ragnvaldr protected by John, but that he was also obligated to defend John's interests in the Irish Sea region.

Yet another transaction dated 16 May, in return for the homage and service that he rendered to the English Crown, Ragnvaldr and his heirs received a grant consisting of one knight's fee of land at Carlingford, and one hundred measures of corn to be paid yearly at Drogheda for the service of a knight. The grant gave Ragnvaldr a valuable foothold in Ireland, and provided his powerful galley-fleet with an additional safe haven. The precise location of the territory granted to Ragnvaldr is unrecorded and unknown. Carlingford had until recently been a power centre of the aforesaid Hugh, and Ragnvaldr's grant may fit into the context of filling the power vacuum following the destruction of the Lacy lordship.

Ragnvaldr's gifts from the English Crown may fit into the context of John attempting to offset interference from the Philip Augustus, King of France (died 1223). At about this time, the French Crown had orchestrated a Franco-Welsh alliance in an attempt to divert the English to deal with a Welsh uprising rather than focus their forces upon the Continent and France in particular. In fact, there is evidence that Norman ships were active off Wales in 1210. Although John had come to terms with Llywelyn ap Iorwerth in 1211, the following year the latter formed a concord with Philip.
By May 1212, John succeeded in gaining the support of several foreign lords, such as the counts of Bar, Boulogne, and Flanders, the dukes of Brabant and Limburg, the Holy Roman Emperor, and Ragnvaldr himself. Despite these overtures, however, the Welsh uprisings of 1211 and 1212, as well as an English revolt in 1212, all succeeded in keeping English forces from invading France.

As a consequence of Ragnvaldr's vassalage to the English Crown, and his role as guardian of the English seaways, it is probable that Islesmen were involved in far fewer predatory actions along the English and Irish coasts. At about the same time, several south-western Scottish magnates received grants in the north of Ireland. These included three of Ragnvaldr's Meic Fergusa kinsmen: Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway (died 1234), Alan's brother Thomas fitz Roland, Earl of Atholl (died 1231), and Donnchad. Such grants appear to have been part of a coordinated campaign of the English and Scottish kings to gain authority over outlying territories where royal influence was limited.

A record dated 3 January 1214 appears to confirm the English Crown's intentions of protecting the Islesmen, as it prohibits certain mariners of Ireland from entering Ragnvaldr's territories at his loss. The English pledges of protection of Ragnvaldr and his Irish holdings suggest that he was under immediate pressure at this period. It is possible, therefore, that the 1211-1212 seaborne devastation of Derry by Thomas fitz Roland, and the unnamed sons of Ragnall—apparently Ruaidrí (died 1247?) and Domnall—was undertaken in support of Ragnvaldr's interests in Ireland.
In fact, Thomas fitz Roland and Ruaidrí ransacked Derry again in 1213-1214, and it is also possible that the raids were conducted in the interests of both the Scottish and English Crowns, and specifically aimed at limiting Irish support of the Meic Uilleim dissidents. If these attacks were indeed directed against political enemies of the Scottish and English Crowns, it is not improbable that Ragnvaldr and his forces were also involved.

John died in October 1216, and was succeeded by his young son, Henry 3. The English summons of Ragnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, in which he was ordered to amend certain excesses committed upon Henry 3's men in Ireland and England, could be evidence that Islesmen took advantage of the somewhat fractured English realm by plundering the coasts of England and Ireland. If this was indeed the case, there is no further evidence of any such depredations.
Later in May, the English Crown commanded that Ragnvaldr was to be given safe passage to England in order account for the aforesaid misconduct of his men.

Whether Ragnvaldr actually travelled there that year is unknown, although various records reveal that he certainly did so the following year. For example, he was granted safe passage by the English Crown on 24 September 1219. Evidence of Ragnvaldr's activity in England survives in references of homage rendered to Henry 3. One such record shows that, in late September, Ragnvaldr rendered homage to Henry 3, and received the same fief that John had given him.
In another record of his homage the English Crown added the qualification: But if our enemies, or his, shall rebel against us, and him, to the loss of our or his land, then you are to be earnest in your help, for the defence of our land and of his, to our safety and convenience, so long as he shall keep himself faithful towards us.
Therefore, whatever excesses Ragnvaldr's men had committed in the past, the surviving evidence reveals that by 1219 he was again amicably allied to the English king.

In the autumn of 1219, whilst in London at the Temple Church, Ragnvaldr surrendered Mann to the papacy, swore to perform homage for the island, and promised to pay 12 marks sterling in perpetuity as tribute. Ragnvaldr's submission was accepted, on behalf of Pope Honorius 3 (died 1227), by the papal legate to England, Pandulf, Bishop-elect of Norwich (died 1226). Such a submission was not unprecedented at the time. For example, John had surrendered his kingdom to the papacy through Pandulf about six years beforehand, whilst facing not only a major crisis from within his own realm, but an imminent invasion by Louis 8, King of France (died 1226) from without.

The precise impetus behind Ragnvaldr's submission is uncertain, although it may well have been related to the threat of ever-strengthening Norwegian kingship. Certainly Hákon had only acceded to the Norwegian kingship two years previously, and by the early part of his reign the civil warring within his realm began to wane.
In his submission, Ragnvaldr stated that the kingdom was his by hereditary right, and that he held it without any obligation to anyone. This contradicts the aforesaid statement by B?glunga s?gur, which declare that he and his son swore loyalty to Hákon and took his kingdom in fief of the latter.
The submission, therefore, may have been a means by which Ragnvaldr attempted to release himself from Norwegian overlordship. Furthermore, a royal order addressed to Henry 3's administrators in Ireland, dated 4 November 1220, commanded Henry 3's men to render military aid to Ragnvaldr, since the latter had provided evidence that Hákon was plotting to invade his island-kingdom.
Not long after this enlistment of English support, the Annals of Loch Cé and the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters report the death of Diarmait Ua Conchobair at the hands of Thomas fitz Roland in 1221. These sources state that Diarmait was in the process of assembling a fleet in the Isles to reclaim the kingship of Connacht.
There is a possibility, however, that his actions in the Isles were connected to the aforesaid Norwegian threat feared by Ragnvaldr. In fact, Diarmait's kinsman, Áed na nGall Ua Conchobair (died 1274), appears to have attempted the procurement of Hákon's assistance at a later date.

Ragnvaldr's papal submission may have also been linked to his feud with Óláfr. For example, in the last hours of his life, John appealed to Pope Innocent 3 (died 1216) to ensure the succession of his young son, Henry 3.
Although the chronology of Ragnvaldr and Óláfr's feud is not entirely clear, the hostilities which entangled Ragnvaldr's son broke out in the 1220s. Ragnvaldr, therefore, may have intended to secure, not only his own kingship, but also the future succession of his son.
Whatever the case, it is unknown how well Ragnvaldr kept his obligations to the papacy. The limited surviving evidence of communications between Mann and Rome appear to show that his commitments were not taken up by his successors.
Nevertheless, centuries after his death, Ragnvaldr's deal with the papacy was commemorated by a fresco in the Vatican Archives.

Upon Óláfr's return from his pilgrimage, the Chronicle of Mann records that Ragnvaldr had him marry Lauon, the sister of his own wife. Ragnvaldr then granted Lewis and Harris back to Óláfr, where the newly-weds proceeded to live until the arrival of Reginaldus, Bishop of the Isles (died c. 1226). The chronicle claims that the bishop disapproved of the marriage on the grounds that Óláfr had formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon. A synod was then assembled, after which the marriage is stated to have been nullified.
Although the chronicle alleges that Óláfr's marriage was doomed for being within a prohibited degree of kinship, there is evidence to suggest that the real reason for its demise was the animosity between the half-brothers. For example, Reginaldus and Óláfr appear to have been closely associated, as the chronicle notes that, not only was Reginaldus was a son of Óláfr's sister, but that Óláfr had warmly greeted Reginaldus when the latter arrived on Lewis and Harris.
Furthermore, it was Reginaldus who had instigated the annulment. In fact, after the previous Bishop of the Isles died in 1217, Reginaldus and Nicholas de Meaux, Abbot of Furness (died 1217) had vied for the office of bishop. Whilst Reginaldus appears to have enjoyed the support of Óláfr, Ragnvaldr appears to have supported the bid of Reginaldus' rival, Nicholas.

The precise identity of the half-brothers' shared father-in-law is uncertain. The chronicle describes him as a nobleman from Kintyre, which suggests that he was a member of the Meic Somairle, since sources concerning this kindred link them with Kintyre more than any other region. The father-in-law, therefore, may well have been Ragnvaldr's aforesaid first cousin Ragnall, or Ragnall's son Ruaidrí — both of whom appear to have been styled Lord of Kintyre in contemporary sources — or possibly Ragnall's younger son, Domnall. It is conceivable that the first union was undertaken before 1210,[289] perhaps not long after 1200 considering the age of Guðrøðr Dond, Ragnvaldr's aforesaid son.

The unions themselves appear to have been orchestrated in an effort to patch up relations between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty, neighbouring kindreds who had bitterly contested the kingship of the Isles for about sixty years.
In fact, it is possible that Ragnvaldr's kingship was formally recognised by Ruaidrí, the apparent leading Meic Somairle dynast since Áengus' death in 1210, who thereby established himself as a leading magnate within a reunified Kingdom of the Isles.
Since the majority of Ruaidrí's territories appear to have been mainland possessions, it is very likely that the Scottish Crown regarded this reunification as a threat to its own claims of overlordship of Argyll. In fact, it is possible that the Scots' aforesaid release of Óláfr in 1214 was intended to cause dynastic discord in the Isles. If that was indeed the case, then the Scottish Crown's machinations had temporarily come to nought because of Óláfr's reconciliation and arraigned marriage.

Once freed from his arranged marriage, the Chronicle of Mann states that Óláfr proceeded to marry Cristina, daughter of Ferchar, Earl of Ross (died c. 1251).
The latter emerges from historical obscurity in 1215; and by the mid 1220s, about the time of the Cristina and Óláfr's marriage, Ferchar was rewarded with the Earldom of Ross for remarkable services to the Scottish Crown.
As for Óláfr, control of the Skye and Lewis and Harris island groups—archipelagos that bordered the expansive territory of the Meic Somairle—could well have made himself a valuable potential ally of the Scottish Crown.
In fact, the collapse of Óláfr's previous Meic Somairle marriage took place at about the time that Ruaidrí was seemingly ejected from Kintyre by the forces of Alexander 2, King of Scotland (died 1249) in 1221–1222. Óláfr's subsequent realignment with Ferchar—Alexander's protégé—not only appears to evince Óláfr's recognition of the shift of power in north-western Scotland,[296] but may also signal Ragnvaldr's loss of support from the Scottish Crown.

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's separation from Lauon enraged her sister, who surreptitiously tricked her son, Guðrøðr Dond, into attacking Óláfr. Following what he thought were his father's orders, Guðrøðr Dond gathered a force on Skye and proceeded to Lewis and Harris, where the chronicle records that he laid waste to most of the island. Óláfr is said to have only narrowly escaped with a few men, and to have fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland in Ross. Óláfr is stated to have been followed into exile by Páll Bálkason (died 1231), a sheriff on Skye who refused to take up arms against Óláfr.
The chronicle then indicates that the two landed on Skye, and learned where Guðrøðr Dond was stationed, and defeated him in battle. The latter's captured followers were put to death, whilst Guðrøðr Dond himself was blinded and castrated. Although the chronicle maintains that Óláfr was unable to prevent this torture, the Icelandic annals record that Óláfr was indeed responsible for his nephew's plight.

The vicious mutilation and killing of high status kinsmen during power-struggles was not an unknown phenomenon in the peripheral-regions of the British Isles during the High Middle Ages. In fact, in only the century-and-a-half of its existence, at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination.
In fact, Guðrøðr Dond's plight may well have been used as a means to reveal that Óláfr intended to wrest his perceived birthright from Ragnvaldr's bloodline. It is unknown why Ragnvaldr had not neutralised Óláfr the same way when he had the chance years before in 1208, although it may have had something to do with international relations. For example, it is possible that his act of showing leniency to Óláfr had garnered Scottish support against the aforesaid threat of Norwegian overlordship.[290] Whatever the case, the neutralisation of Guðrøðr Dond appears to mark a turning point in the struggle between the Óláfr and Ragnvaldr.

Roughly about this point in time, correspondence between Joan, Queen of Scotland (died 1238) and her brother, Henry 3, reveals that the Norwegian Crown was rumoured to have been planning a naval expedition west over sea. Although Joan's letter places this campaign in the context of a threat to English interests in Ireland, it may be more likely that Hákon's attention was focused upon the escalating situation in the Isles.
One possibility is that the queen's correspondence is evidence that Óláfr had appealed to Hákon for supported against Ragnvaldr.

The aforesaid kin-strife largely took place on Skye and Lewis and Harris, islands that were clearly important within the kingdom.
In fact, there is evidence to suggest that the kingdom's northern territories were granted by reigning kings to their heir-apparent. For example, during the eleventh-century reign of the dynasty's founder, Guðrøðr Crovan, the northern portion of his realm may have been governed by his son, L?gmaðr. Ragnvaldr's grant of Lewis and Harris to Óláfr, therefore, may indicate that Óláfr was then regarded as Ragnvaldr's rightful successor.
Furthermore, the fact that Ragnvaldr was residing in the Hebrides when his father died in 1187 may indicate that, despite the chronicle's claims to the contrary, Ragnvaldr was indeed the rightful heir to the kingship. Additionally, since Ragnvaldr's son is recorded on Skye, the possibility exists that he resided there as heir-apparent. This could indicate that portions of the Hebrides were allotted to members of the dynasty who were passed-over for the kingship.
In any event, it is apparent that such territorial fragmentation would have severely weakened the realm.

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Ragnvaldr's realm was the far-flung Diocese of the Isles. Like the Kingdom of the Isles itself, the origins of the diocese may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium.
In the mid twelfth century, during the reign of Ragnvaldr's father, the diocese came to be incorporated into the newly established Norwegian Archdiocese of Niðaróss.
In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.
Before the close of the twelfth century, however, evidence of a new ecclesiastical jurisdiction—the Diocese of Argyll—begins to emerge during ongoing contentions between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty.

In the early 1190s, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Cristinus, Bishop of the Isles, an Argyllman who was probably a Meic Somairle candidate, was deposed and replaced by Michael (died 1203), a Manxman who appears to have been backed by Ragnvaldr.
The tenure of Cristinus seems to have spanned at least two decades during a sustained period of Meic Somairle power in the Isles. His downfall, however, came about at the time of the Crovan dynasty's resurgence under the then-recently enthroned Ragnvaldr.

After Michael's death in 1203, a certain Koli is recorded to have been consecrated in 1210. The situation between this span of years is uncertain.
On one hand, it is possible that the see was vacant between these years. On the other hand, Koli could have been elected bishop in 1203, but only consecrated in 1210. Another possibility is that the see was administered from Lismore—the future seat of the Diocese of Argyll—under the ultimate authority of Áengus, the aforementioned Meic Somairle dynast slain in 1210.
There is also a possibility that Koli's consecration was connected to the aforesaid attack on Iona in 1209-1210.
Not only does the Norwegian expedition appear to have compelled Ragnvaldr and his son to submit to the Norwegian Crown in 1210, but it also made landfall in Orkney, and brought back to Norway the joint Orcadian earls and their bishop. The entire undertaking, therefore, may have been designed to reassert Norwegian overlordship over both secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Norwegian satellites overseas.
If correct, the voyage would seem to have been orchestrated by both Ingi and his chief prelate, Þórir Guðmundarson, Archbishop of Niðaróss (died 1214). Although the Meic Somairle controversially refounded Iona at the turn of the century, and further secured its independence from the Diocese of the Isles by placing it under the protection of the papacy, the Norwegian sack of the island may not have been a sanctioned act One possibility is that a visit to the island by the Norwegian delegation disastrously deteriorated into otherwise unplanned violence.

The next bishop after Koli was the aforesaid Reginaldus. Although Reginaldus' aforesaid rival for the episcopate, Nicholas, is recorded to have gained the support of the communities of Furness and Rushen, he does not appear to have ever occupied the see.
In fact, Nicholas appears to have spent much of his time in Rome, since correspondence from the papacy to Walter de Gray, Archbishop of York (died 1255), concerning Nicholas' final resignation, states that the latter had long been exiled from his see because the lord of the land and others were altogether opposed to him.
As early as November 1219, papal correspondence reveals that the pope had urged the leading men of the Isles to accept Nicholas' episcopacy.

Ragnvaldr's remarkably warm relations with the papacy, and his deteriorating relationship with Óláfr, could be evidence that the papal correspondence in support of Nicholas was directed at Óláfr instead of Ragnvaldr. Further indication of Ragnvaldr's support of Nicholas may be his renewal of the rights of Furness Abbey to elect the Bishop of the Isles.
The English Crown's aforesaid warning to Óláfr about harming the monks of Furness could betray some sort of grievance with the community, whilst Ragnvaldr's burial at Furness appears show evidence his own affinity with the community. The controversy over the appointment of bishops, therefore, appears to have been yet another aspect of ongoing kin-strife within the Crovan dynasty. In fact, the final resignation of Nicholas in 1224 corresponds to the realignment of the kingdom between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr, and the whole dispute coincides with the Óláfr's gradual successes against Ragnvaldr.
Whatever the case, Reginaldus' successor was a man named John who apparently died in an accident not long afterwards. The next bishop was Simon (died 1248), a man consecrated in 1226 by the Archbishop of Niðaróss, and whose tenure outlived both Ragnvaldr and Óláfr.

In 1224, the year following the aforesaid defeat of Ragnvaldr's son, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr took hostages from the leading men of the Hebridean portion of the realm, and with a fleet of 32 ships, landed on Mann at Ronaldsway, where he confronted Ragnvaldr directly. It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the 2; with Ragnvaldr keeping Mann itself along with the title of king, and Óláfr retaining the Hebridean portion.
With Óláfr's rise at Ragnvaldr expense, the latter turned to Alan, one of Scotland's most powerful magnates.

Alan and Ragnvaldr were certainly closely connected. Both were great-grandsons of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161);[348]both had received Ulster lands from the English at about the same time; and it is possible that connections between the Isles and Galloway had led to Ragnvaldr's aforesaid involvement with the Scottish Crown in Caithness.
Whatever the case, in a letter from Alan to Henry 3, dated the year of the partitioning between the half-brothers, Alan mentioned that he was preoccupied with his army and fleet, travelling from island to island. This statement may well evince the beginning of the joint military operations, conducted by Alan and Ragnvaldr against Óláfr, assigned by the chronicle to the following year. According to the latter source, however, the campaigning came to nought because the Manx were unwilling to battle against Óláfr and the Hebrideans.

According to the thirteenth-century Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar, 1224 was also the year in which Hákon was visited by Gillikristr, Óttar Snækollsson, and many Islesmen, who presented the king with letters concerning certain needs of their lands.
If these so-called needs refer to the bitter conflict between Ragnvaldr and Óláfr, it is possible that the visiting men were representatives of either man, or perhaps neutral chieftains caught in the middle.
Another factor may have been fears of Scottish aggression, in the aftermath of the aforesaid invasion of Kintyre, that unnerved the Islesmen. Further attempts to quell the infighting by way of the Norwegian Crown may have been undertaken in 1226, when the aforesaid Simon was consecrated in Norway.

A short time later, perhaps in about 1225 or 1226, the chronicle reveals that Ragnvaldr oversaw the marriage of a daughter of his to Alan's young illegitimate son, Thomas (died 1296-). Unfortunately for Ragnvaldr, this marital alliance appears to have cost him the kingship, since the chronicle records that the Manxmen had him removed from power and replaced with Óláfr.
The recorded resentment of the union could indicate that Alan's son was intended to eventually succeed Ragnvaldr, who was perhaps about sixty years-old at the time, and whose grandchildren were still very young.
In fact, it is possible that, in light of Ragnvaldr's advanced age and his son's mutilation, a significant number of the Islesmen regarded Óláfr as the rightful heir. Such a view could well account for the lack of enthusiasm the Manxmen had for Alan and Ragnvaldr's campaign into the Hebrides.
Since Thomas was likely little more than a teenager at the time probably meant that it was obvious to observers that Alan was the one who would hold the real power in the kingdom.
From the perspective of the Scottish Crown, it is conceivable that Alan's ambitions in the Isles were encouraged since the prospect of his son on the throne had the potential to further extend and strengthen Scottish royal authority along the western seaboard, and bring stability to the war-torn region.
As for Alan—a man who faced the probability that Galloway would be partitioned between his legitimate daughters on his eventual death—the marital alliance may have been conducted as a means to ensure a power base for Thomas, whose illegitimacy threatened to exclude him from inheriting his father's domain under the feudal laws of the English and Scottish realms.

At this low point of his career, the deposed Ragnvaldr appears to have gone into exile at Alan's court in Galloway.
In 1228, whilst Óláfr and his chieftains were absent in Hebrides, the chronicle records of an invasion of Mann by Ragnvaldr, Alan, and Thomas fitz Roland. The attack appears to have resulted in the complete devastation of the southern half of the island, since the chronicle declares that it was almost reduced to a desert.
The chronicle's report that Alan installed bailiffs on Mann, with instructions to collect tribute from the island and send it back to Galloway, may reveal the price Ragnvaldr had to pay for Alan's support in the affair.
In fact, Ragnvaldr's role in the takeover is unrecorded. Suffering serious setbacks at the hands of his enemies, Óláfr reached out for English assistance against his half-brother, as evidenced from the aforesaid correspondence dating to the same year, between Henry 3 and Óláfr, in which the latter alluded to aggression dealt from Alan.
Eventually, after Alan vacated Mann for home, Óláfr and his forces reappeared on the island, and routed the remaining Gallovidians; and thus, the chronicle declares, peace was restored to Mann.

In the same year, English records reveal that Henry 3 attempted to broker a peace between the half-brothers, and gave Óláfr safe passage to England. This correspondence may have led to Óláfr's temporary absence from Mann that year. It could also roughly mark the point when Ragnvaldr finally lost English support.
Although the English Crown technically recognised Óláfr's kingship in correspondence sent to him the year before, the aggressive tone directed at him suggests that the preferred dynast may well have Ragnvaldr at that point in time.

In what was likely early January 1229, the chronicle records that Ragnvaldr caught the forces of Óláfr unaware, as Ragnvaldr sailed from Galloway with five ships, and launched a nocturnal raid upon the harbour at St Patrick's Isle, near what is today the town of Peel. During this daring assault, the chronicle records that Ragnvaldr had all of the ships of Óláfr and his chieftains destroyed. Although the chronicle's description of the attack alludes to Gallovidian involvement, as it states that the expedition originated from Galloway, the fact that Ragnvaldr commanded only five ships suggests that this support may have been waning. This does not necessary indicate that Alan abandoned Ragnvaldr's cause, however, as Alan may well have been engaged in campaigning against the ongoing Meic Uilleim insurrection against the Scottish Crown. Even if this was the case, Ragnvaldr may have also considered Alan's involvement a detriment at this stage.

Ragnvaldr followed up on his assault by establishing himself in the southern part of Mann, as the chronicle records that he won over the support of the southerners. Meanwhile, Óláfr is stated to have assembled his forces in the north of Mann, indicating that the island was divided between the two men for much of January and February, before what would be their final confrontation. According to the chronicle, Ragnvaldr and Óláfr led their armies to Tynwald.
The derivation of this place name—from the Old Norse elements þing (assembly) and vallr (field, meadow) —reveals that it was an assembly site, which in turn suggests that negotiations may have been intended.

On 14 February, the festival of St Valentine, the chronicle records that Óláfr's forces launched an attack upon Ragnvaldr at Tynwald, where Ragnvaldr's troops were routed and he himself was slain.
Ragnvaldr's fall is laconically corroborated by the Icelandic annals.
Other sources appear to suggest that his death was due to treachery. The fourteenth-century Chronicle of Lanercost, for example, states that Ragnvaldr fell a victim to the arms of the wicked; whilst the Chronicle of Mann states that, although Óláfr grieved at his half-brother's death, he never exacted vengeance upon his killers.
The chronicle states that the monks of Rushen took Ragnvaldr's body to St Mary's Abbey, Furness, where he was buried in a place that he had chosen beforehand.
A particular sandstone effigy of an armed, mail-clad warrior, found in the north aisle of the abbey, has been associated with Ragnvaldr since the first half of the nineteenth century. Such an association, however, is dubious at best.

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1237, Isle of Man, England; King of the Isles.

Notes:

Occupation:
Óláfr Guðrøðarson commonly known in English as Olaf the Black, was a mid 13th century sea-king who ruled the Isle of Man (Mann) and parts of the Hebrides. Óláfr was the son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of the Isles, King of Dublin, and his wife Finnguala, granddaughter of Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, High King of Ireland, King of Cenél nEógain.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr appointed Óláfr as heir since he had been born in lawful wedlock. Whether or not this is the case, on Guðrøðr's death in 1187 the Manxmen instead appointed Ragnvaldr as king, as he was a capable adult and Óláfr was a mere child.

Ragnvaldr ruled the Crovan dynasty's island-kingdom for almost 40 years, during which time the half-brothers vied for the kingship.

At one point Óláfr, who had been given possession of Lewis, complained to Rögnvaldr that his lands were not enough. Ragnvaldr's response was seize Óláfr and send him to the King of Scots, where he was imprisoned for almost 7 years.

Upon his release, Óláfr undertook a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, after which the half-brothers were reconciled and Rögnvaldr had Óláfr married to Lauon, the sister of his own wife. Sometime after 1217 this marriage was nullified by Reginald, Bishop of the Isles, who may have been an ally of Óláfr against Rögnvaldr. Óláfr then married Christina, a daughter of the King of Scots' protégé Ferchar, Earl of Ross.

The chronicle claims that Ragnvaldr's bitter wife tricked their own son, Guðrøðr, into attempting to kill Óláfr; however, Óláfr narrowly escaped with his life and fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland. Together with a loyal follower, one Páll Bálkason, Óláfr later defeated Guðrøðr on Skye.

In the 1220s Rögnvaldr formed an alliance with Alan, Lord of Galloway, in an attempt to fend off Óláfr. Ragnvaldr married his daughter to one of Alan's sons, and it has been theorised that this son was intended to inherit the island-kingdom. Rögnvaldr's actions enraged the Manxmen and in 1226 they deposed him in favour of Óláfr. Ragnvaldr was later killed battling Óláfr in 1229.

In 1230 Óláfr fled to Norway to seek military assistance against Alan and members of Clann Somairle. The Norwegian king's response was to send a fleet into the Isles under the command of Óspakr-Hákon, a member of Clann Somairle. Óspakr-Hákon was slain early in the campaign, after which Óláfr took control of the fleet and secured himself on Mann. The island-kingdom was divided between him and his mutilated nephew Guðrøðr, with the latter ruling the Hebridean portion and Óláfr ruling Mann itself.

Guðrøðr was soon after killed on Lewis, and Óláfr ruled the whole Kingdom of Mann and the Isles peacefully, until his death in 1237.

Óláfr's restoration on Mann was seen as a success by the Norwegians, and likely favourably viewed by the Scots as well; since the internal struggle between him and his rivals had been brought to an end.

Óláfr was succeeded by his son, Haraldr. In all, 3 of Óláfr's sons ruled the Crovan dynasty's island-kingdom — the last of which, Magnús Óláfsson, was also the last of the dynasty to rule.

Óláfr is known to have been survived by 3 children; Haraldr (d. 1248), Ragnvaldr (d. 1249), and Magnús (d. 1265) — all of whom ruled as kings in their own right. Although the mother of Óláfr's children is not known for certain, she is thought to have been Christina. The Chronicle of Mann states that Óláfr's immediate successor, Haraldr, was only 14 years old at the time of his father's death, which dates his birth to about the time of the marriage of Óláfr and Christina.

There is evidence to suggest that Óláfr might have had a fourth son named Guðrøðr. For example, the chronicle relates how the governor of Mann, described as a kinsman of Haraldr, fled from the king in 1238 and set sail for Wales, taking with him his foster-son Guðrøðr Óláfsson. When the fleeing ship reached the Welsh coast it was wrecked and, according to the chronicle, Guðrøðr perished on board.
Furthermore, amongst the names of witnesses within a quitclaim between Llywelyn ap Gruffudd (d. 1282) and Ralph de Mortimer (d. 1246), thought to date to about 1241, there is a certain Guðrøðr who appears in Latin as Godredo filio regis Mannie (Guðrøðr, son of the King of Mann).
Although the possibility has been raised that the two sources may refer to the same man, there is no further evidence to confirm it.

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Vladimir av Halicz. Vladimir (son of Vsevolod and NN av Tczernigov) was born about 1110; died about 1144 in Novgorod, Russland. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Richitza Swentoslawa. Richitza (daughter of Boleslav (Boleslaw) av Polen, "Boleslav 3" and Salome av Berg-Schelklingen) was born on 12 Apr 1116; died on 16 Jun 1185. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Kristin married Magnus Sigurdsen av Norge, "Magnus 3" about 1133. Magnus (son of Sigurd Magnusen av Norge) was born about 1115; died about 1139 in Hvaler, Østfold, Norge. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Margret married Stig Tokesen Hvitaled, "Hvide av Skåne" before 1151. Stig died in 1151 in Viborg, Jylland, Danmark. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Prislav av Lolland. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1157, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Valdemar den store (1131–1182) var dansk medkonge 1147-1157 og dansk enekonge 1157-1182. Valdemar sørget for kraftig oppsving for Danmark under hans regjeringstid.

Han var sønn av Knud Lavard og Ingeborg av Kiev. Valdemar ble født bare 8 dager etter at hans far ble myrdet og vokste opp hos den sjællandske høvdingen Asser Rig sammen med hans sønner Absalon og Esbern Snare.

Under stridighetene om retten til tronen mellom Svein Grathe og Knut, sluttet han seg til Svein, som i 1147 gjorde ham til hertug av Slesvig.

I 1154 skiftet Valdemar over til Knuts side og forlovet seg med hans halvsøster Sofie.
Valdemar ble konge i Jylland i 1157, da riket ble delt mellom Svein, Knut og Valdemar, og enekonge samme år, etter at Knut ble drept under det såkalte - Blodgildet i Roskilde - 9.august 1157. Kong Knud får kløyvet skallen, mens det lyktes den sårede kong Valdemar å unnslippe.

Etter å ha samlet en hær slo han fetteren Svein i Grathe Hede 23.oktober 1157, og ble enekonge over hele Danmark.

Valdemar bygde opp en sterk kongemakt og rettet flere slag mot venderne (slavisk folk), støttet av vennen Absalon, som han i 1158 utnevnte til biskop i Roskilde.
I 1159 samlet Valdemar en sjællandsk flåte og gjennomførte et tokt mot venderne. I de følgende årene gjennomførte han en rekke tokt, noe som kulminerte med at han inntok Rügen i 1169. I den forbindelse knuste de kjente gudebilder. Valdemar gikk i gang med å sikre rikets grense mot syd, dels ved å bygge Valdemarsmuren i tilknytning til Dannevirke, dels ved å bygge festningsanlegg flere steder i landet, bl.a. ved Korsør og Nyborg. Absalon bygde en festning på en liten øy utenfor handelsplassen Havn (København) ved Øresund; kjent som Absalons borg.

Den europeiske maktkampen mellom paven og keiseren nådde Danmark i 1160, da de fleste bisper med Absalon i spissen støttet kongen, og erkebiskop Eskil måtte dra i landflyktighet i Frankrike. Kronen og kirken kom til forsoning, og det ble markert ved at Valdemars far, Knud Lavard, ble opphøyd til helgen av pave Alexander 3 og gravlagt i St.Bendts kirke i Ringsted. Samtidig ble Valdemars 7-årige sønn, Knut 6 kronet og salvet som medkonge for å sikre arvefølgen. Dermed kan man si at det var Valdemar den store som innførte arvekongedømme i Danmark.

I 1177 trakk Eskil seg tilbake og Absalon ble utnevnt til erkebiskop i Lund. Absalon innsatte flere venner på ledende poster og i 1180 brøt det ut et åpent opprør, og Absalon måtte flykte. Valdemar og Absalon vendte tilbake i 1181 med en hær og nedkjempet opprøret.

I Valdemars regjeringstid skjedde det store forandringer i det danske samfunnet.
Leidangplikten ble avløst av en leidangskatt, og for at de skulle kunne huse kongen når han reiste rundt i landet, skulle bønderne nå betale en skatt til kongens ombudsmenn (hele apparatet med ombudsmenn ble utbygget og vesentlig forbedret under Valdemar den store).
Kongen fikk også flere inntekter i form av kongens overtagelse av ingenmandsland; det ingen eier, eier kongen.
Valdemar tjente også godt på avgifter på det såkalte Skånemarkedet (sildemarkedet) i Skåne.

Valdemar døde på Vordingborg slott 12.mai 1182. Bøndene i området bar liket til St.Bendts kirke hvor han ble gravlagt. Sammen med ektefellen Sofie fikk han sønnene Knut og Valdemar Sejr, samt 6 døtre.

Family/Spouse: Sofia av Halicz. Sofia (daughter of Vladimir av Halicz and Richitza Swentoslawa) was born about 1140 in Polen; died on 05 May 1198 in Danmark. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Kristina married Erling Ormsen in 1155. Erling (son of Orm Sveinsen and Ragnhild Skulesdatter) was born about 1115 in Etne, Hordaland, Vestland, Norge; died on 19 Jun 1179 in Kalvskinnet, Trondheim, Sør-Trøndelag, Norge. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Sofie married Sigfried av Orlamünde, "Sigfried 3" about 1181. Sigfried (son of Herman av Orlamünde and Irmgard) was born about 1160; died about 1206. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1188, Schlesvig, Schleswig-Holstein, Tyskland; Hertug av Slesvig.
• Occupation: 25 Dec 1202, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Valdemar Sejr, Valdemar 2 av Danmark (1170 - 28.mars 1241 i Vordingborg), sønn av Valdemar 1 den store, var dansk konge fra 1202 til 1241. Han etterfulgte sin bror Knut, som døde barnløs.

I 1188 ble han hertug av Slesvig.

Kronet til konge av Danmark 1.juledag 1202 i domkirken i Lund (Kilde: heimskringla.no).

Valdemar drev kraftig utenrikspolitikk. Den danske ekspansjonen, som Valdemar den store hadde påbegynt ble videreført under Knut, og også under Valdemar Sejr.
I 1204 hadde han et resultatløst felttog mot Viken for å støtte baglerne.
En traktat med keiser Fredrik 2 i 1214, gjorde han til herre over en del av Nord-Tyskland. La under seg Holstein, Ditmarsken, Hamburg og Lübeck.

Erobret Estland 1219-1220 etter flere korstog og foretok flere erobringstog til Østersjø landene. Ingen av erobringene ble etterfulgt av dansk bosetning og flere gikk tapt da han ble fanget av en av sine lendmenn 1223.

Den 15. juni 1219 kom Estland under dansk overherredømme. Paven hadde oppfordret kong Valdemar til å iverksette et dansk korstog til Det hellige land eller føre et korstog mot de antatt hedenske balterne. Valdemar ville langt heller gjøre ferdig den mangeårige erobringspolitikken i Estland slik at sverdridderne (senere innlemmet i Den tyske orden) ikke ble for mektige på bekostning av det danske kongedømmet.
Med på korstoget var også Johanniter-ordenen, som siden rundt 1130 hadde hatt pavens velsignelse til å føre rødt-hvitt korsbanner. Det var et hvitt kors som delte den røde duken i fire kvadratiske felter. Det danske flagget Dannebrog har som bekjent to kvadratiske og to avlange felter.

Roskilde-munken Peder Olsen beskrev omkring år 1500 det dramatiske slag hvor det lenge så ut som de kristne ville tape slaget ved Lyndanisse (i dag Tallinn) den 15. juni 1219. Den gamle erkebiskopen Anders Sunesen knelte i bønn på en bakketopp. Da han strakte armene mot himmelen rykket danskene fram og da armene av tretthet ble senket vek danskene tilbake. Det kom hjelpere til for å støtte den gamle erkebiskopens armer.
Denne delen av Roskilde-munk Peder Olsens beskrivelse fra omkring år 1500 kan tenkes å være inspirert av Bibel-fortellingen der Moses har omtrent samme rolle som Anders Sunesen, nemlig i 2. Mosebok 17:11-12.
Da kampen var på sitt kraftigste sendte Gud hjelp. Tegnet fra Gud var et rødt flagg med et hvitt kors som dalte ned fra himmelen. Dette ansporet danskene ytterligere, og de vant en stor seier. Kong Valdemar kunngjorde at dette korsbanner som ga danskene seieren skulle heretter være det danske riksbanner.

I 1217 sendte Valdemar sin nevø Albert av Orlamünde til Estland i håp om å erobre øya Øsel. Vinteren 1218–1219 var kald og hard nok til at man kunne sende tropper fra Riga over isen til Estland. Denne ekspedisjonen fikk i ettertid tilnavnet Det kalde korstog.
Sverdbroderordenen, tyske korsfarere og nyomvendte latviere og litauere bega seg i vinternattens mørke over isen til Suntaken og derfra over land til Reval. Frosten og den bitende vinden fikk ansiktshuden til slå sprekker og falle av. Mange forfrøs nese, hender og føtter i løpet av natten.
Om morgenen satte de i fortvilelse den første landsbyen de fant i brann for å skaffe seg varme, og de tilbrakte de neste dagene med å plyndre og drepe hedninger og deretter jagde de krigsfanger og kveg ut på isen ved Reval og gikk tilbake til Riga med byttet. I løpet av sommeren 1219 kom Valdemar selv. Hvis det er riktig at han hadde med seg 1500 skip hadde han også mobilisert de danske stormennenes egne styrker. Erkebiskop Sunesen var også med.
Danskene reiste nå den borgen som ble kalt for Danskeborgen, men som på estisk ble til Tallinn.

Esterne møtte fram hos Valdemar og overga seg til ham og kristendommen. Rørt ga Valdemar dem store gaver mens biskopene døpte dem. I virkeligheten var det en krigslist for esterne vendte tilbake tre dager senere og overfalt de danske styrkene. Danske satt og spiste kveldsmat og ble overrumplet. De ble reddet kun av at Vitslav av Rügen sto gjemt bak en sanddyne med sine ryttere og fikk drevet esterne på flukt.
Danskene og de tyske vasallene forfulgte de flyktende og skal ha drept mer enn et tusen av dem. Det ble holdt en takkegudstjeneste før Valdemar dro tilbake til Danmark. For sikkerhets skyld ble biskopene igjen med en tropp som hele året kjempet mot Revals beboere inntil de endelig modtok dåpens sakramente.

I løpet av en jakttur til Lyø i 1223 ble Valdemar Sejr sammen med sønnen Valdemar tatt til fange av greve Henrik av Schwerin, kalt for Sorte Henrik. Greven avverget påfølgende angrep fra danskene og i 1225 ble Valdemar kjøpt fri for den store sum 45 000 mark, penger som han måtte låne av Henrik selv. Dessuten var det en betingelse at alle erobrede områder i Nord-Tyskland skulle bli gitt tilbake. Til sist måtte kong Valdemar sverge på å avstå fra hevn.

Alt håp om å gjenerobre de tapte områdene brast med nederlaget ved Bornhøved i Holstein 22.juli 1227 - Rex amisit victoriam (kongen mistet seieren).
Han tok parti for baglerne i den norske tronstriden, dog uten større kraft og engasjement.
Forsøkte, og mislyktes, å gjeninnsette fordrevne Sverker den yngre på Sveriges trone.
De tyske besittelser gikk også tapt.

Deretter gikk Valdemar i gang med rikets indre oppbygging. Kort tid før sin død stadfestet han Den Jyske Lov og Danmarks jordebok med fortegnelser over konge-og krongods, og som bærer navn etter han.
Sølibatet og tienden ble innført og trelldommen avskaffet.

På grunn av sine mange erobringstokt fikk han tilnavnet Sejr. Alle områder unntatt Estland gikk imidlertid tapt igjen allerede i hans egen tid etter konflikten med greve Henrik. Som sin far søkte Valdemar Sejr å sikre den kongelige arvefølgen ved å få kronet sin eldste sønn som medkonge, og de andre sønnene fikk hver et landområde i arvelig len. Dette førte i praksis til en svekkelse av kongemakten og innebar kimen til den kampen om tronen som sønnene utkjempet etter hans død.
I 1205 giftet Valdemar Sejr seg med Dagmar, født på Vyšehrad i Praha og datter av Ottokar 1 av Böhmen (Tsjekkia). Hun var i henhold til tradisjonen elsket av befolkningen. Hun døde i 1212 og hviler udi Ringsted. På sitt dødsleie skulle hun i henhold til folkevisen ha forsøkt å overtale Valdemar Sejr til å ekte Karl av Rises datter Liden Kirsten, og ikke den beske blomme Bengerd som hun kalles i visen.

I 1214 giftet Valdemar Sejr seg med Berengaria som var datter av kong Sancho 1 av Portugal. Hun ble mor til Erik, Abel og Kristoffer.
Med Helena Guttormsdatter (datter av Guttorm jarl; enke etter Esbern Snare) fikk han utenfor ekteskap sønnen Knut Valdemarsson av Danmark (1211 – 1260), hertug av Reval (Tallinn).

Med Margrethe Dragomir (Dagmar av Danmark) fikk han sønnen Valdemar (1209–1231).

Med Berengaria av Portugal fikk han barna:
Erik Plogpenning (1216–1250)
Sofie av Danmark (1217–1247)
Abel av Danmark (ca. 1218-1252)
Kristoffer av Danmark (ca. 1219-1259).

Valdemar Sejrs liv og kriger er hovedtema i B.S.Ingemanns bok med samme navn fra 1826.

Family/Spouse: Helena Guttormsdatter. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Valdemar married Berengaria av Portugal before 1216. Berengaria (daughter of Sancho av Portugal, "Sancho 1" and Dulce Berenguer Ramonsdatter av Barcelona) was born about 1194 in Portugal; died about 1221 in Danmark. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1170, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Knut 6 av Danmark (født 1163, død 12.november 1202), konge av Danmark fra 1182 til 1202. Knut var sønn av Valdemar den store og Sofia av Minsk.

Allerede, i 1170, som 7-åring ble Knut salvet og kronet som sin fars medkonge for å sikre at kongsmakten skulle bli i den samme kongsslekten.

Fra heimskringla.no:

Den 25.juni 1170 blir den helgenkårede hertug Knud Lavard (d.1131) skrinlagt i den nyinviede St.Bendts kirke i Ringsted. Samtidig blir danmarkhistoriens første kjente kongekronging sted, da hertug Knuds sønnesønn Knud Valdemarsen krones til konge.

Etter at faren døde i 1182 ble den 19-årige Knut formelt konge. I virkeligheten er det biskop Absalon som regjerer på hans vegne.

Sammen med sin yngre bror slo han ned et opprør i Skåne og erobret nye landområder i s.ø.

Knut nektet å avlegge lenseed til den tyske keiser Frederik Barbarossa. I stedet lyktes det i 1185 å beseire hertug Bugislav, den slaviske hersker over Vendland (Pommern), som ble tvunget til å anerkjenne dansk overherredømme. Derfor kalles Knut ikke bare for - danenes konge - men også - venderes konge. Danmarks grense ble da flyttet til elven Elben. Selv om herredømmet over Pommern opphørte i 1225 fortsatte danske konger til og med Frederik 9 av Danmark å titulere seg som venderes konge.

I 1197 ledet Knut personlig et korstog til Estland.

I 1177 giftet han seg med Gertrud, datter av hertug Henrik Løve av Sachsen og Bayern. Ekteskapet var barnløst.

Den første landskapsloven, Skånske Lov, ble utstedt under Knut 6.

Knut døde i 1202. Hans personlige innflytelse over kongedømmet har blitt diskutert. Han har ofte blitt sett på som en lojal støttespiller til den sterke biskop Absalons politikk. Livet igjennom sto Knut i skyggen av Absalon og broren Valdemar Seier. Samtidens kilder har beskrevet ham som en sterkt religiøs og ærlig mann.

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1230, Hebridene, Storbritannia; King of the Isles.

Notes:

Occupation:
Delte kongemakten med sin onkel Olaf 2 Svarte, som satt på Man.

Gofraid mac Ragnaill (meaning Gofraid, son of Ragnall; Old Norse: Guðrøðr Rögnvaldsson) was a 13th-century Hebridean king, who descended from a long line of kings who ruled the Hebrides and the Isle of Man.
He is recorded within two 13th century chronicles with a byname meaning - the brown - (Gaelic: Gofraid Donn); although within a 13th-century saga, and within Hebridean tradition dating from the 17th century, he is given the byname - the black - (Old Norse: Guðrøðr Svarti; Gaelic: Gofraid Dub).
Gofraid Donn's father was Ragnall mac Gofraid, King of Man and the Isles; his mother was Ragnall's wife, who is described by a 13th-century chronicle as the sister of a daughter of a nobleman from Kintyre. Gofraid Donn's male-line ancestry can be traced back with certainty to his great-great grandfather, Gofraid Méránach, King of the Isles, King of Dublin (d. 1095). Gofraid Méránach is thought to have taken control of the Kingdom of Man and the Isles in about the year 1079, and is recorded as the King of Dublin in 1091.

In 1187, on the death of Gofraid Donn's paternal grandfather, Gofraid mac Amlaíb, King of Man and the Isles, Gofraid Donn's father, Ragnall, usurped the kingdom from the legitimate heir, his younger half-brother Amlaíb Dub. In consequence, a bitter family feud broke out, in which Gofraid Donn played a part. According to a 13th-century chronicle, when Amlaíb Dub's marriage to the sister of Ragnall's wife was nullified, Gofraid Donn was tricked by his mother into attempting to kill his uncle Amlaíb Dub. Sometime later, Amlaíb Dub had his revenge, as Gofraid Donn was captured, and one of Amlaíb Dub's followers blinded and castrated him. Amlaíb Dub later successfully took the throne, and Ragnall was soon after assassinated. Amlaíb Dub was constantly under threat of Ragnall's powerful ally Alan, Lord of Galloway. In about 1230, Amlaíb Dub was forced to flee Man, and went to Norway to plead for assistance from the king. Amlaíb Dub arrived just before the king sent a fleet into the Hebrides to pacify the western coast of Scotland. Both Amlaíb Dub, and Gofraid Donn, travelled with the fleet, and upon the commander's death, Amlaíb Dub took control and retook the Isle of Man. Amlaíb Dub and Gofraid Donn then divided the kingdom between themselves, with Gofraid Donn controlling the Hebridean portion. Not long after the Norwegian fleet left the Hebrides, Gofraid Donn was killed on the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis, in 1231.

Gofraid Donn appears in several mediaeval chronicles, a mediaeval saga, and also within Hebridean tradition dating from the 17th century. One of the sources in which Gofraid appears is the Chronicle of Mann, which dates from the 13th century, and contains additions from the 13th and 14th centuries. Parts of the chronicle are based upon a source that is also used by the Chronicle of Lanercost.
Gofraid also appears in the Chronicle of Lanercost, which dates from the 14th century, although parts of it are based on an earlier source. Both chronicles are written in Latin, and within both Gofraid is given a byname that literally means - the brown - which is thought to refer to the colour of his hair.
The kings' saga Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar (The Saga of Hákon Hákonarson) was composed by Sturla Þórðarson sometime around 1263–1284. Sturla based it on both written sources and oral traditions. The saga is preserved in several manuscripts that slightly differ from one another.
According to 20th century historian Alan Orr Anderson, the Eirspennill version is the most authoritative, and likely represents an early form of the saga. Within this saga, Gofraid is given a byname that literally means the black.
The History of the MacDonalds is a manuscript history that dates from the 17th century, and is thought to have been composed by a seanchaidh for the MacDonalds of Sleat. The manuscript is written in English, and preserves a traditional version of history believed during the period of its creation. Within this manuscript Gofraid is given an Anglicised form of a Gaelic byname that means the black.

Gofraid Donn was a great-great grandson of Gofraid Méránach, King of the Isles, King of Dublin. The ancestry of Gofraid Méránach is uncertain. The Chronicle of Mann names him as:

filius Haraldi nigri de ysland

and it is possible that - ysland - may refer to Iceland.

In one Irish annal, he is given the patronymic - mac mic Arailt - and this may mean that he was a son, or nephew, of Ímar mac Arailt, King of Dublin (d. 1054), a grandson of the celebrated Amlaíb Cuaran and one of the last verifiable members of the once imperial Uí Ímair.

Gofraid Méránach died in 1095, after ruling the Kingdom of Man and the Isles for over 15 years. A period of confusion followed his death, before his younger son, Amlaíb (d. 1153), ruled the kingdom for over 40 years. Amlaíb was treacherously assassinated by his nephews in 1153, and was succeeded by his son Gofraid (d. 1187).

In 1156, Gofraid and his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gille Brigte (d. 1164), fought an inconclusive naval battle, and the kingdom was split between the 2:
Somairle took the Islay and Mull island-groups, and Gofraid retained the outer islands, and Mann itself.

Two years later, Somairle defeated Gofraid outright, and ruled the entire kingdom until his death. With the death of Somairle, Gofraid returned from exile to reclaim Mann, and outer-island portion of the kingdom.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Gofraid mac Amlaíb died in 1187, leaving three sons: Ragnall, Amlaíb Dub, and Ímar. Although Ragnall was the eldest son, he was also illegitimate, and his father had chosen Amlaíb Dub as heir. However, upon Gofraid's death, the Manxmen appointed Ragnall as their king, because Amlaíb Dub was only a boy, and Ragnall was already by then a young man capable of governing the kingdom.
In 1188, Ragnall began his reign over the kingdom. The chronicle recounts how Ragnall gave Amlaíb Dub the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis.
The chronicle however notes that this island was thinly populated, and that the land was mostly unfit for cultivation. When Amlaíb Dub determined that he could no longer support himself and his followers with Lewis alone, he travelled to Mann and asked his half-brother for further lands. Ragnall then had Amlaíb Dub seized and sent to William 1, King of Scots, where Amlaíb Dub was kept imprisoned for almost seven years. On the seventh year the Scots king died and Amlaíb Dub was subsequently released, and he returned to his brother on Mann, and subsequently set off on a pilgrimage accompanied by a considerable number of men of rank.
Upon his return, the 2 half-brothers were reconciled, and Ragnall set up a marriage between Amlaíb Dub and - Lauon - a daughter of a nobleman from Kintyre, who was also the sister of his own wife. After this marriage, the couple lived on Lewis.

The Chronicle of Mann notes that, in 1217, the Bishop of the Isles died and was succeeded by a new one who was a relation of Amlaíb Dub.
The bishop, however, disapproved of Amlaíb Dub's marriage on the grounds that Amlaíb Dub formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon, and in consequence, a synod was assembled, and Amlaíb Dub's marriage was nullified.
Amlaíb Dub afterwords married a daughter of Ferchar, Earl of Ross, but his separation from Lauon had enraged her sister (the wife of Ragnall), and Ragnall's bitter queen sought to sow discord between the half-brothers.
The queen's son, Gofraid Donn, was then on Skye, and she secretly wrote to him under Ragnall's name, ordering Gofraid Donn to seize and kill Amlaíb Dub. Gofraid Donn dutifully gathered a force on Skye and proceeded to Lewis, where he laid waste to most of the island. Amlaíb Dub narrowly escaped with a few men, and fled to the protection of his father-in-law in Ross.

The chronicle states that the viscount of Skye, Páll Bálkason, refused to consent to the murder of Amlaíb Dub and fled the island to reside with the Amlaíb Dub in Ross. Páll and Amlaíb Dub then entered into a pact of friendship, and together they secretly returned to Skye, where they learned that Gofraid Donn was unsuspectingly staying with few with only a few men, on a certain island called the island of Saint Columba.
Historians have attempted to identify this island, and several locations have been proposed. According to W.D.H. Sellar, the most likely location is the island that was originally in the middle of Loch Chaluim Chille, located near Kilmuir.
According to local tradition, this island is associated with a man, whom Sellar thought represented Páll.

The chronicle states that Páll and Amlaíb Dub then gathered as many men as possible, and under the cover of darkness, they brought 5 ships from the closest point of the shore, about 2 furlongs from the island.
When morning came, Gofraid Donn and his few followers were shocked to find themselves surrounded by enemies. Nevertheless, he and his followers donned their armour and waited for the inevitable assault. At - about the ninth hour of the day - Amlaíb Dub and Páll attacked the island with their full force. Every one of Gofraid Donn's men who could not find protection within the enclosure of the church were summarily put to death. Gofraid Donn was seized, blinded, and castrated. The chronicle states that Amlaíb Dub was unable to prevent the mutilation, and torture, of his nephew on account of the fate of Páll's predecessor, the viscount Bálki. The chronicle dates these events to the year 1223.

According to Sellar, an extremely garbled account of Gofraid Donn and Amlaíb Dub's feuding is recorded in the History of the MacDonalds, composed in the early 17th century. This manuscript history fancifully describes the rise of the warlord Somairle mac Gille Brigte (d. 1164), who lived generations before both Gofraid Donn and Amlaíb Dub. It recounts how Somairle was successful in marrying the daughter of Olay, surnamed the Red.
Together Somairle and Olay went on an expedition through the Hebrides and killed several men, including one Godfrey Du. Godfrey was put to death by - the hermit MacPoke - who put out Godfrey's eyes because Godfrey had killed MacPoke's father.
Historically, Somairle married a daughter of Gofraid Donn's paternal grandfather, Amlaíb mac Gofraid (d. 1153).
Sellar noted that, although the byname of the manuscript's - Godfrey Du - equates to the colour black (rather than brown), the character refers to Gofraid Donn. Sellar stated that character - Olay - who assisted in the death of Godfrey Du, refers to Gofraid Donn's uncle, Amlaíb Dub (rather than Gofraid's paternal grandfather). Also, Sellar noted that - the hermit MacPoke - is identical to the historical Páll Bálkason.

The Chronicle of Mann states that the following summer, possibly in 1224, Amlaíb Dub took hostages from the Hebridean portion of the kingdom, and with 32 ships, landed on Mann and confronted Ragnall. It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the 2, with Ragnall keeping Mann itself and the title of king, and Amlaíb Dub retaining the island portions.
Historians have noted that in the 1220s, the Scots king, Alexander 2, attempted to extend his power into what is today the west coast of Scotland. He attempted to do this by encouraging the powerful Alan, Lord of Galloway, to enter into the squabbles of Ragnall and Amlaíb Dub.

The next year, possibly 1225, the Chronicle of Mann states that Ragnall and Alan attempted to take possession of Amlaíb Dub's island portion of the kingdom, but the Manx people were unwilling aid the cause, and the nothing came of the expedition.
A short time later, Ragnall's daughter was married to Alan's son. Historians have commented that such a marriage, between Ragnall's daughter and Alan's illegitimate son Thomas, gave Alan a stake in the kingship of Mann and the Isles, and that Thomas was likely to succeed to the kingship.
It has also been noted how the marriage was beneficial to Ragnall as well, since he could rely on Alan's military might to fend off the troublesome Amlaíb Dub.
However, the chronicle states that the Manx people were angered by the marriage, and they consequently appointed Amlaíb Dub as king. He took the throne in 1226, and ruled the kingdom peacefully for the next 2 years.

According to the chronicle, in 1228, while Amlaíb Dub and his chiefs were away from Mann, the island was attacked and devastated by Alan, his brother Thomas, Earl of Atholl, and Ragnall. When Alan left with most of his force, Amlaíb Dub was able to regain control of Mann. In the winter of the same year, Ragnall landed again, and burnt all the ships of Amlaíb Dub and his chiefs. Ragnall stayed at Ronaldsway for forty days, and won over the hearts of the southern inhabitants of the island. On 14 February, Amlaíb Dub and his forces arrived at Tynwald, where they attacked Ragnall and his forces. The chronicle states that Ragnall was treacherously killed by his own men, without the knowledge of Amlaíb Dub (although it also notes that Amlaíb Dub never avenged his half-brother's death).

The Chronicle of Lanercost states that, in the year 1230, a Norwegian fleet sailed down the west coast of Scotland with Óspakr Ögmundsson, who had been appointed king of the Suðreyjar by the King of Norway.
It also notes that Amlaíb Dub and Gofraid Donn were among the fleet.

The Eirspennill version of Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar gives a much more illustrative account, although it does not specifically state that Gofraid Donn travelled with the fleet from Norway.
The saga states that in the summer before the fleet left Norway, news of warring in the Suðreyjar reached the Norwegian king, Hákon Hákonarson. P.A. Munch believed that Gofraid Donn was likely one of the first to tell the king of the chaos in the Suðreyjar, and that he may have fled to Norway following the death of his father.
The saga then describes Alan as a great warrior in the region, and Amlaíb Dub is described as a most faithful vassal of the Norwegian king.
Also described are 2 Hebridean noblemen of royal blood, 2 sons of Dubgall mac Somairle, who were very unfaithful to the Norwegian king. The Eirspennill version also states that Óspakr was in another son of Dubgall. According to scholars A.L. Brown and A.A.M. Duncan, it appears that the - unfaithful - sons of Dubgall were attacking portions of Amlaíb Dub's kingdom, and it is clear that the situation in the Suðreyjar had further deteriorated from attacks by Alan and members of Clann Somairle. The scholars observed that, when Amlaíb Dub was unable to control the chaotic situation in the Suðreyjar, Hákon decided to pacify the region using Óspakr.

The Eirspennill version of the saga relates how that winter, the Norwegian king summoned an assembly at his palace, and appointed Óspakr as king of the Suðreyjar, and also bestowed upon him the royal name Hákon.
The saga states that the Norwegian king decided upon a plan to give Óspakr a military force to command in the Suðreyjar, and some scholars have suspected that Óspakr was likely sent to gain control over not only the Suðreyjar, but also over what is now Argyll and Kintyre as well.

With the coming of spring, Hákon set out for Bergen, and upon his arrival ordered the preparation of the fleet. While preparations were under way, Amlaíb Dub came to the king, and reported that there were many disputes in the Suðreyjar, and that Alan had assembled a powerful army and was causing grave dis-peace in the region. When the fleet left Norway for Orkney, Amlaíb Dub accompanied it on-board Páll Bálkason's ship. When the fleet reached Orkney, several ship-commanders sailed to Skye, where they defeated Þórketill Þórmóðsson in a sea-battle.
The fleet then united at Islay, and was strengthened by Óspakr's brothers and their followers, and swelled in size to 80 ships. The fleet then sailed south and around the Mull of Kintyre to Bute, where the force invaded the island and took the castle while suffering heavy casualties.
The fleet then sailed to Kintyre, and Óspakr fell ill and died.

The Chronicle of Mann, however, specifically states that Óspakr was struck by a stone and killed, and then buried on Iona.
The chronicle continues stating that Amlaíb Dub then took control of the fleet, and led it to the Isle of Man, and that he and Gofraid Donn divided the kingdom between themselves—with Amlaíb Dub retaining Mann, and Gofraid Donn controlling the island portions of the kingdom.

Again the Eirspennill version gives more information; it states that after the Norwegians left in the spring, and sailed north to Kintyre; here they encountered a strong force of Scots, and both sides lost many men during the ensuing battle.
Following this, the fleet sailed north to Lewis and came upon a man named Þórmóðr Þórketilson. Þórmóðr fled returning fleet, his wife was taken as a captive of war, and all his treasure was seized.
The fleet then travelled to Orkney, and from there most of it sailed back to Norway. Páll Bálkason, however, remained behind in the Suðreyjar, where he was slain several weeks later. A short time later Gofraid Donn was also slain.
The Chronicle of Mann specifically states that Gofraid Donn was slain on Lewis, and that afterwards Amlaíb Dub ruled the kingdom until his death.
The Chronicle of Lanercost notes that Amlaíb Dub ruled the entire kingdom—except those that were held by Clann Somairle.

Munch stated that, when the Norwegian fleet sailed from Kintyre into the northern Hebrides and defeated Þórmóðr Þórketilson, it was helping secure the power of Gofraid Donn in the islands. Munch believed that when Hákon appointed Óspakr to be king, he probably intended for Gofraid Donn to rule the northern island portions of the kingdom, and this was likely why he and Amlaíb Dub divided the kingdom between themselves, since Amlaíb Dub was unlikely to have done so out of his own good will. Munch also noted how soon hostilities broke out after the Norwegians left the Hebrides for Orkney—Páll Bálkason was killed, and Gofraid Donn was likewise slain days later. Munch believed that these recorded events show how fierce the feuding between the adherents of Gofraid Donn and Amlaíb Dub.
Manx historian Arthur William Moore stated that Gofraid Donn was likely slain by supporters of Amlaíb Dub during a revolt on the island.

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1265, Isle of Man, England; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Magnus 3, konge av Man, men underlagt den norske kronen som vasall og Man som norsk skattland. Man var blitt annektert av Skottland etter Magnus' død i 1265.

Magnus' bror var Harald 1 Olavsson Svarte, også konge av Man, men mer engasjert på Hebridene. Han døde sammen med sin brud på bryllupsreisen tilbake fra Norge hvor han var blitt gift med Cecilia Håkonsdatter, datter av kong Håkon Håkonsson av Norge.
Magnus Olavsson var en yngre bror av Harald, og ble siden selv konge av Man. Han følte sin posisjon truet av sterke monarkier rundt seg, både Skottland og England, og søkte anerkjennelse som konge av Man i Norge.

Magnus deltok i Håkon Håkonssons store felttog mot Skottland, og slåss i slaget ved Largs i 1263. Magnus Olavsson døde i Castletown den 24.november 1265.

Ved Perthtraktaten i 1266 oppga Håkons sønn og arvtager Magnus Lagabøte alle norske krav på Man og de andre øyene mot Skottland. Man havnet uvillig inn under Skottland som sendte representanter for den skotske kronen til øya.

Svært lite er kjent fra Mans historie i årene mellom 1266 og 1275.

Magnus' hustru var Maria eller Mary av Argyll, en uklar skikkelse, som giftet seg som enke etter Magnus 3 først med Maol Íosa 2, jarl av Strathearn, og deretter med sir Hugh de Abernethy, og til sist med en William FitzWarin og døde en gang før 1303 og skal ha blitt gravlagt i Christ Church Greyfriars i London.
Hun var datter av Eóghan av Argyll (anglifisert som Ewen av Argyll) og nedstammet i direkte linje fra Somerled, en høvding av både gælisk og norrøn bakgrunn, og som selv erobret Man fra sin svoger for en kortere tid. Hun fikk også barn med sine andre ektemenn.

Family/Spouse: Maria (Mary) av Argyll. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Valdemar Knutsen av Danmark, "Valdemar 1". Valdemar (son of Knud Eriksen and Ingeborg Mstislavsdatter av Kiev) was born on 14 Jan 1131; died on 12 May 1182. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Jon Torbergsen på Randaberg. Jon (son of Living) was born in 1153 in Randaberg, Rogaland, Norge; died in 1179 in Kalvskinnet, Trondheim, Sør-Trøndelag, Norge. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1161, Norge; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Valgt til konge av stormennene på Vestlandet, som hadde fulgt kong Inge og Gregorius Dagsson, med Erling som formynder.
Stormennene ønsket ikke Sigurd Munns sønn, Håkon Herdebrei, som konge. Håkon Herdebrei ble drept av Erling Skakke i 1162.

Magnus ble, som den første konge i Norge, kronet i Bergen 1164 av erkebiskop Øystein Erlendsson med den romerske legaten, Stefanus, som vitne. Med dette fikk kirken innflytelse over hvem som skulle sitte med kongemakten i Norge.

Birkebeinerne under ledelse av Øystein Møyla gjorde oppstand i 1174. Men Magnus vant over dem i slag på Re ved Tønsberg i 1177.

Magnus falt selv i slag mot birkebeinerne, denne gangen under Sverre Sigurdssons ledelse, i sjøslaget ved Fimreite i Sogn i 1184 sammen med størstedelen av den gamle landadelen i Norge.
Sverre hadde først drept Magnus' far Erling Skakke på Kalvskinnet.

På austsida av innløpet til Sogndalsfjorden ligg Fimreite-gardane. Her er ingen fornminne som viser spor etter busetnad før det kjende slaget ved Fimreite i 1184. Men frå andre halvdel av 1300-talet kjenner ein til at omlag halve Fimreite var eigd av adelsmenn, medan resten var kyrkjegods.

Died:
Fra heimskringla.no:

Den 15.juni 1184 skrives kong Magnus Erlingson ud af sagaen, da han falder i slaget ved Fimreite.

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Lambert av Gleichen, "Lambert 2". Lambert was born before 1160; died on 14 Sep 1227. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1241, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Erik var dansk medkonge fra 1232, dansk enekonge fra 1241–1250. Hans regjeringstid var full av bitre kamper mellom Erik og brødrene hans, mest hertug Abel av Sønderjylland, som fikk Erik myrdet.

Det var til stor irritasjon for hans to brødre, Abel og Kristoffer, som begge ønsket å få del i makten. Erik og Abel lå i krig i flere år, hvor Abel, som var hertug av Slesvig, fikk støtte av sine holsteinske svogre.

I 1244 ble de forlikte til delta på et felles korstog mot Estland, men snart blusset kampen opp mellom dem igjen.

For å finansiere disse kampene la Erik i 1249 skatt på hver plog, noe som var en rettferdig skatt ettersom antallet ploger sto i forhold til den dyrkede jorden. En penning var såpass lite beløp at alle kunne betale, men harde inndrivelse av skatten skaffet ham tilnavnet Plogpenning. Skatten var ikke særlig populær, og i 1249 måtte han flykte fra rasende bønder i Skåne som nektet å betale.

I tillegg røk Erik også uklar med kirken og den mektige Hvide-slekten. På denne tiden var bispene meget offensive. I 1237 måtte Erik skaffe seg pavens brev mot de bisper som nektet å innsette prester som var utpekt av kongen i hans kirker. Erik var likevel en kirkens mann. For egen regning påbegynte han oppførelsen av Gråbrødre kloster i Roskilde, men krig og ufred forhindret ham i å fullføre arbeidet.
Dronning Jutta nevnes som et vitne i et brev hvor kong Erik få måneder etter sin fars død uttalte et ønske om å få dø i Franciskanenes (gråbrødrenes) ordensdrakt og begraves i deres klosterkirke i Roskilde.

I 1250 lykkes det for Erik å erobre størsteparten av Abels hertugdømme, Rendsburg, og de møttes hos Abel for å slutte forlik, etter megling av søsteren Sophie av Brandenburg. Under besøket, som fant sted på Sankt Laurentiis natt den 9. august 1250, ble Erik tatt til fange, og halshugget av en av Abels menn. Liket ble senket ned i Slien.

Erikskrøniken, Sveriges eldste historiske kildeskrift, kritisert for sin politiske subjektivitet som drar ned troverdigheten, men er ellers en fargeglad skildring av en periode som var full av kongedrap og politiske intriger i de samtlige nordiske landene Norge, Danmark og Sverige. Blant annet beskriver krøniken kong Erik av Danmarks voldsomme død (utdrag i original tekst):

Danmark thz fik digher skadha thz konung erik aff ringst han bleff swa jammerlika döder han var forradin aff sinom bröder Hans broder het hertugh abel han gaff sith rad ok vilia ther tell thz man honom nidh i slää sänkte Ve ward honom at han thz tenkte Fatighe fiskara hitto vpa hans liik hwar thz a grunden laa Ok fördot til landz i thera baat önkelika dödh ok illa waat Huar man honom förde eller baar ther brunno liwss ä hwar han war The gud nid aff hymelin sende oc the helgo ängla tände Gud hauer giort han swa säligh at han er i hymerike häligh Abel var tha konung en lithen riidh sidan vart han dräpin i strid han wart släghin i häll aff frisa Nw haffuer han i heluite engen lisa we er them swa jorderikis ödh...

I 1258 ble hans jordiske levninger overført til St. Bendts kirke i Ringsted hvor han ble gravlagt. På hvelvingene over Eriks grav kan man se kalkmalerier med scener fra hans liv og død.

Erik ble æret av folket som helgen.

Died:
I Rendsburg, mens han var på besøk hos sin bor Abel for å slutte forlik, ble Erik tatt til fange og halshugget av Laue Gudmundsen, en av bror Abels menn. Dette fant sted på Sankt Laurentiis natt den 9.august 1250.

Liket av kong Erik ble senket ned i Slien.
Et kalkmaleri i St.Bendts kirke i Ringsted skal vise denne siste hendelsen.

Family/Spouse: Judith av Sachsen. Judith (daughter of Albert av Sachsen and Agnes av Østerrike) was born in 1223; died on 02 Feb 1267. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1232, Sønderjylland, Danmark; Hertug av Sønderjylland
• Occupation: 1 Nov 1250, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Abel, nest eldste sønn av Valdemar og Bengjerd, ble gift med Mechtilde, datter av Adolf 4 av Holstein.

Abel var innsatt av faren til hertug av Sønderjylland i 1232 og med ekteskapet med Mechthilde, som var inngått mot farens vilje, kom han i motsetningsforhold til Erik.

Det var i 1237 at Abel giftet seg med Mechthilde, datter aa grev Adolf 4. av Holsten.
Da Adolf 4. trakk seg tilbake til et franciskansk kloster samme år, var Abel i flere år formynder for sine mindreårige svogere Johan og Gerhard.

På grund af Mechthildes afstamning bidrog ægteskabet til stor holstensk indflydelse på Abels og den senere Abelslægts sønderjyske hertugdømme.

Som hertug af Slesvig kom Abel i strid med sin bror Erik Plogpenning.

Ved Valdemar Seiers død i 1241 ble Abels bror, Erik, konge etter deres far. I de følgende år lå Abel i strid med sin storebror for at oppnå større uavhengighet for sitt sønderjyske hertugdømme. Det var anledningen til en mangeårig borgerkrig, hvor blant andet Randers ble brent av Abels tropper.

Stridighetene fortsatte inntil Abel og Eriks søster Markgrevinde Sophie av Brandenburg forhandlet på plass en skrøpelig våpenhvile.

Kong Erik Plogpenning ble drept i 1250, under et besøk hos Abel, og Abel ble mistenkt for at stå bak. Abel bedyret sin uskyld i Erik`s død og avla ed sammen med 24 av sine riddere ved landstinget i Viborg. Deretter ble Abel hyllet som konge.

På grunn av mordet på broren ble følgende vers diktet om kong Abel:

Abel af navn,
Kain af gavn.

Occupation:
Abel ble valgt til konge og kronet sammen med sin dronning i Roskilde 1.november 1250.

Under en ekspedisjon mot friserne for å tvinge igjennom skattekrav, led Abel nederlag, og ble drept under flukt 29.juni 1252 ved Husum Bro ut for halvøya Ejdersted.

Da Abel ble drept oppholdt hans eldste og halvvoksne sønn Valdemar seg i Frankrike. Han skyndte seg hjem for å overta kronen, men ble arrestert av erkebiskopen av Køln, Konrad Lotharsen av Ahr-Hochstaden. Her ble han holdt som fange, inntil de schauenburgske grever av Holsten betalte løsepengene for ham i 1253.
Da han kom til Danmark, var Abels lillebror Kristoffer imidlertid blitt valgt til konge. Herved var grunnen lagt for en strid mellom den eldre og yngre linje av kongehuset, som kom til at vare i flere årtier.
Kristoffer ble kronet i Lund Domkirke 1.juledag 1252.

Etter Abels død gikk hans enke dronning Mechthilde i kloster, men forlot det senere igen.
I 1261 giftet hun seg på ny, denne gang med Birger Jarl av Sverige.

Died:
Fra heimskringla.no:

Den 29.juni 1252 faller kong Abel Valdemarsen i slaget ved Oldenswort i Nordfriesland, under et felttog mot friserne.

Han ble konge 1.november 1250, etter drapet på broren Erik Plogpenning, og er dermed den danske kongen som har hatt den korteste regjeringstid i historisk tid.

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1252, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Kristoffer 1 av Danmark (født 1219, død 29.mai 1259) var dansk konge i 1252–1259, sønn av kong Valdemar Sejr, og yngste bror av Erik Plogpenning og Abel av Danmark, begge brødre var konge før ham.

Da kong Abel ble drept i et bondeopprør i 1252 var hans sønn i Valdemar av Slesvig i Frankrike. Han skyndte seg hjem for å gjøre krav på Danmarks krone som sin fars eldste sønn, men i Köln ble han arrestert av erkebiskop Konrad av Ahr-Hochstaden. Her ble holdt som fange inntil de schauenburgske grever av Holstein betalte løsepenger for ham i 1253. Da han nådde fram til Danmark, var onkelen Kristoffer allerede blitt valgt til konge. Dermed var grunnen lagt for en strid mellom den eldre og den yngre slektslinjen av kongehuset, som kom til å vare i årtier.
Kristoffer ble kronet til konge i Lund domkirke på juledagen 1252.

Kong Kristoffer satte i gang bestrebelser for å få sin bror Erik Plogpenning anerkjent som martyr eller helgen. Foruten at det alltid er heldig å ha en helgen i familien var den viktigste grunnen å få brennmerket Abel som brodermorder, og dermed utelukke hans slekt, først og fremst nevøen Valdemar, nå hertug av Slesvig, fra tronfølgen. Kristoffer samlet opplysninger om ulike undre som hadde skjedd ved Eriks grav. Abels tilhengere var imot forsøket og samtidig ble kongens forhold til kirken stadig forverret.

Ved å tillate Abels sønn Valdemar å bli hertug av Slesvig unngikk Kristoffer umiddelbart borgerkrig, men ble selv mål for intriger og forræderi. Både Slesvig som Holstein sto for en tid uavhengig av kongens styre.

Erkebiskop Jakob Erlandsen, som med pavens velsignelse var blitt innsatt på bispesetet i Lund, var tilhenger av en sterk og uavhengig kirke. Han kom i konflikt med kongen om blant annet de geistliges leidangsplikt og skatteplikt på lik linje med enhver annen jordeier. Biskop Jacob nektet og gikk så langt som å forby bønder som levde eller arbeidet på kirkens eiendommer om å yte militærtjeneste for kongen. Biskopen var kanskje den rikeste i hele kongedømmet og insisterte samtidig at et verdslig styre ikke hadde kontroll eller makt over kirken, dens eiendom eller kirkens ansatte. Han bannlyste kongen for å slå fast at han ikke ville bøye seg for kongens vilje.

Erkebiskopen kjempet dog ikke kun for kirken. På morssiden slektet han på den mektige Hvide-slekten som tilhørte avdøde kong Abels tilhengere. Det kom til uttrykk da Jakob Erlandsen nektet å krone Kristoffers sønn Erik Klipping som medkonge og tronfølger.

I 1256 samlet erkebiskopen rikets fremste til et møte i Vejle hvor de vedtok konstitusjonen Cum Ecclesia Daciana. Her står det at riket vil bli lyst i interdikt (det vil si forbud mot alle kirkelige handlinger) hvis kongen utsetter geistlige for overgrep. Jakob Erlandsen ville innføre kanonisk rett i Danmark, det vil si tvinge igjennom gyldigheten av pave Gregor 9's Liber Extra. Den danske kirkekamp hadde tilsvarende paralleller over hele Europa, blant grunnet pave-keiser-striden.

Vinteren 1257–1258 gikk de holstenske grever på anmodning fra Jakob Erlandsen, og for sikre deres nevøs arverett til hertugdømmet Slesvig i Sønderjylland, til angrep på Danmark, men angrepet ble avverget.

I februar 1259 ble Jakob Erlandsen arrestert av mecklenburgske soldater. I følge en beretning ble han til spott og spe iført en verdslig drakt med en lue av revehaler, deretter bundet og kastet i fengsel. Erkebispesetet i Lund, og kort tid etter også biskop Peder Bang i Roskilde (som var i familie med Jakob Erlandsen) lyste interdikt over kongen.

Sverige og Norge hadde inngått en politisk allianse mot Danmark allerede før Kristoffer var blitt konge ved at de var blitt provosert av kong Abels innblandinger.

I 1256 foretok Håkon 4 Håkonsson et plyndringstokt mot dansk land i Halland.
I 1257 ble det inngått forlik mellom Kristoffer og Håkon Håkonsson. Det samme året var det et bondeopprør i Danmark som brøt ut på nytt i 1258 som et resultat av Kristoffers nye eiendomsskatt, men danskekongen fikk slått disse ned.

I 1259 flyktet biskop Peder Bang av Roskilde til Rügen og overtalte fyrst Jaromar 2, prins av Rügen, som var Erik Abelssons svigerfar, til å gjøre landgang på Sjælland. Herfra inntok han København. Jarmers Tårn er oppkalt etter fyrsten.

Før Kristoffer rakk å reagere døde han den 29.mai 1259 i Ribe hvor han hadde dratt for å være hos biskopen. I følge et rykte skal han ha blitt forgiftet av abbed Arnfast fra Ryd kloster da han ga kongen nattverden. Året etter ble Arnfast gjort til biskop av Århus av erkebiskop Jakob Erlandsson, men paven omgjorde vedtaket.

Kristoffer ble gravlagt foran høyalteret i Ribe domkirke kort tid etter sin død av den lokale biskop til tross for interdiktet.

Det er mulig at kongen døde av naturlige årsaker, men hans tilhengere kalte ham Krist-Offer.

Kristoffer var gift med Margarete Sambiria Samborsdatter av Pommern. De fikk følgende barn:

Erik Klipping, konge av Danmark,
Valdemar,
Niels,
Mechthilde, eller Matilda (død 1311), gift med Albert 3, margreve av Brandenburg,
Margrete (død 1306), gift med greve Johan 2 av Holstein-Kiel,
Ingeborg.

Dronningen og Jaromar var altså begge vendere fra Rügen, og den gylne, vendiske drage på rød bunn var tidligere med i det danske riksvåpen.

Died:
Fra heimskringla.no:

Den 29.mai 1259 dør kong Kristoffer 1. Valdemarsen av Danmark.
Et ondsindet rygte vil vide, at han blevet forgivet af abbed Arnfast fra Ryd Kloster.

Kristoffer married Margrethe (Sambiria) av Pommern about 1248. Margrethe (daughter of Sambor av Pommern, "Sambor 2" and Mechtild av Mecklenburg) was born about 1230 in Pommern, Tyskland; died on 01 Dec 1282. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1249, Isle of Man, England; King of the Isles.

Notes:

Occupation:
Isle of Man, England 1249-1250, Konge av Sudrøyene.

Ekteskap: Ragnhild Olofsdotter?

I 1266 kom Sudrøyene og Man under Skottland, og siden kom kongeriket Man under England.

Det norske språket på Man døde ut på 1400-tallet.

Haraldr Guðrøðarson was a mid thirteenth-century King of the Isles. He was the son of Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson, King of the Isles, son of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles.
Haraldr Guðrøðarson and his predecessors were members of the Crovan dynasty, and ruled an island-kingdom that encompassed the Mann and portions of the Hebrides, variously known as the Kingdom of the Isles or the Kingdom of Mann and the Isles.

In the early thirteenth century, Haraldr Guðrøðarson's paternal grandfather, Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson, fought over the kingship with his younger half-brother, Óláfr Guðrøðarson. The kin-strife between the 2 was continued by their descendants, and in time included Haraldr Guðrøðarson himself. Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson was slain in 1229, whereupon Óláfr took up the kingship.
In 1231, Óláfr co-ruled a split kingdom with Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson's son aforesaid son, Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson. On the latter's death in the same year, Óláfr ruled the entire kingdom until his own death in 1237, whereupon he was succeeded by his son, Haraldr Óláfsson, who was in turn succeeded by another son of Óláfr, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson.

In 1249, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson was slain by a knight who appears to have been an accomplice of Haraldr Guðrøðarson. Immediately following the assassination,

Haraldr Guðrøðarson first appears in the mediaeval Chronicle of Mann, the main historical source for the Crovan dynasty, when it records that he took control of the island-kingdom and replaced the chieftains of the old regime with followers of his own choosing. Although he was recognised as the legitimate ruler of the kingdom by Henry 3, King of England at first, he was later summoned to Norway by Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway, for his seizure of the kingdom. Upon his removal from Mann, Haraldr Guðrøðarson is not heard from again. In his absence, Magnús Óláfsson, yet another son of Óláfr, unsuccessfully attempted to seize Mann with Hebridean and Norwegian military support. The leadership of the Manx defenders in this action may have been adherents to Haraldr Guðrøðarson's cause. Even so, Magnús returned 2 years later and succeeded to the kingship, becoming the last of the sea-kings of the Crovan dynasty.

Haraldr Guðrøðarson was a member of the Crovan dynasty, a family of sea-kings who ruled the Mann and parts of the Hebrides from the late eleventh century to the mid thirteenth century. He was the son of Guðrøðr R?gnvaldsson, King of the Isles (died 1231), who was in turn a son of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles (died 1229). Although the latter monarch may have managed to rule a somewhat independent kingdom, surrounded by formidable Norwegian, Scottish, and English monarchs, his successors fell under the shadow of Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway (died 1263), and rendered tribute to the latter in recognition of Norwegian overlordship.

Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson and his younger half-brother, Óláfr Guðrøðarson (died 1237), warred over the dynasty's island-kingdom in the early thirteenth century, until the former was slain battling Óláfr in 1229. Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson's aforesaid son, Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson, took up his father's claim to the throne, and at his height co-ruled the kingdom with Óláfr in 1231. Guðrøðr Ragnvaldsson was slain in 1231, however, and Óláfr ruled the entire island-kingdom peacefully afterwards until his own death in 1237.
Óláfr was succeeded by his son, Haraldr Óláfsson, King of Mann and the Isles, who later travelled to Norway and married a daughter of Hákon, but lost his life at sea on his return voyage in 1248.

In the year of Haraldr Óláfsson's drowning, 2 prominent members of Clann Somhairle, Eóghan Mac Dubhghaill, Lord of Argyll (died c. 1268-1275), and his second cousin Dubhghall mac Ruaidhrí (died 1268), travelled to Hákon in Norway and requested the title of king in the Hebrides. Hákon subsequently bestowed the title upon Eóghan, and in 1249, upon learning of Haraldr Óláfsson's death, Hákon sent Eóghan westward to take control of the Hebrides. In May 1249, Haraldr Óláfsson's brother, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson (died 1249), formally succeeded to the kingship.

The mid thirteenth-century Chronicle of Mann records that, on 30 May 1249, Ragnvaldr Óláfsson was slain in a meadow near the Church of the Holy Trinity at Rushen, and later buried at the Church of St Mary at Rushen. The chronicle names one of Ragnvaldr's killers as a certain knight named Ívarr, and identifies the others as the latter's followers. Immediately following Ragnvaldr's death, Haraldr Guðrøðarson makes his first appearance in the chronicle, as it records that he then seized the kingship.

The chronology of events surrounding Ragnvaldr's death suggests that Haraldr Guðrøðarson and Ívarr were allies. Moreover, a letter of Henry 3, King of England (died 1272), dated April 1256, further supports the likelihood of an alliance, as the letter commands Henry's men not to receive the Haraldr Guðrøðarson and Ívarr who - wickedly slew - Ragnvaldr.
The identity of Ívarr is uncertain. His designation as a knight may indicate that he was an élite of some sort. One possibility is that he may have been a member of the Crovan dynasty, and possibly a descendant of Guðrøðr Óláfsson. Certainly, a man of the name is known to have been a son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, although nothing more is known of him, and it is unlikely that a man born before 1187 would have been active in 1249.
The chronicle makes no mention of the knight's ancestry, and this may be evidence that he was not related to the Crovan dynasty in any meaningful way. It is likely that he is identical to the - domino Yuor' de Mann - (Lord Ívarr of Mann) who is recorded in one of Haraldr Óláfsson's charters of 1246.

Following Haraldr Guðrøðarson's takeover, the chronicle records that he then drove out all of the chiefs and nobles of the old regime who had been supporters of the deceased Haraldr Óláfsson, and then replaced them with men whom the latter had previously exiled.

An example of the chronicle's bias against the descendants of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson is one of the 2 miracle narratives preserved by this source. The story in question is about a miracle attributed to St Mary, which may have been incorporated into the chronicle in order to discredit the reign of Haraldr Guðrøðarson.
Whatever the case, the story deals with an aged chieftain named Domnall, who is described as a close friend of Haraldr Óláfsson, and regarded by the latter as worthier than others. The chronicle relates how Domnall and his young son were forced to flee from Haraldr Guðrøðarson to the sanctuary of the Church of St Mary at Rushen.
The latter, however, is stated to have tricked them into leaving the church-grounds, whereupon they were immediately seized. It was in this time of need, so the story says, that Domnall's prayers to St Mary were answered, and that it was through her divine intervention that he and his son escaped from their imprisonment. The chronicle states that Domnall himself recounted the story to the chronicle's compilers.
The account itself seems to have been used as means to portray Haraldr Guðrøðarson as a distrustful oath-breaker, and thereby further discredit the line of Ragnvaldr Guðrøðarson; conversely, the connection between Haraldr Óláfsson and the divinely favoured Domnall may have been intended to imply legitimacy in regards to Óláfr's line. Although the identities of Domnall and his son are uncertain, there is reason to suspect that they are identical to Domhnall mac Raghnaill, the eponym of Clann Domhnaill, and his son, Aonghus Mór (died c. 1293).

Haraldr Guðrøðarson may have attempted to strengthen his hold on the kingdom by entering into negotiations with Henry; and was, for a time at least, regarded as a legitimate ruler by that English king, as a license of safe-passage granted by him, valid from 28 December 1249 to 29 September 1250, acknowledges Haraldr Guðrøðarson's kingship, and gives him free pass to travel to the English court.

Haraldr Guðrøðarson's reign was not a long one. In 1250, the chronicle records that he was summoned by letter to the Norwegian royal court because Hákon was displeased at how Haraldr Guðrøðarson had wrongfully seized the kingship which was not his by right. The chronicle notes that the Norwegian king intended that Haraldr Guðrøðarson should never return to Mann, and he was consequently kept from returning to the island-kingdom. Nothing further is heard from him.

In the same year, the chronicle records that Magnús Óláfsson (died 1265) — yet another son of Óláfr — and Eóghan arrived on Mann with a force of Norwegians.
The exact intentions of the invaders are unknown for certain. It is possible that they may have intended to install Magnús as king.
At the very least, Eóghan was likely looking for some form of compensation, as he had previously been forcefully dispossessed of his mainland Scottish lordship by Alexander 2, King of Scots (died 1249) for his refusal to renounce his allegiance to Hákon.
The chronicle states that the invaders made landfall at Ronaldsway, and entered into negotiations with the Manx people; although, when it was learned that Eóghan styled himself - King of the Isles the Manxmen took offence and broke off all dialogue. The chronicle describes how Eóghan had his men form-up on St Michael's Isle, an island that was attached to Mann by a tidal causeway, and that the Manxmen formed-up on the mainland, on the beach opposite the island.
When the tide began to recede, the chronicle states that Eóghan and those men closest to him boarded their ships, although much of his force remained stationed on the island.
As evening drew near, the chronicle records that an accomplice of Ívarr led an attack upon the island and routed Eóghan's forces there.
The next day, the chronicle states that the invading forces left the shores of Mann.

Ívarr's connection to the Manx attack on the invading forces of Eóghan and Magnús may suggest that there was still considerable opposition on Mann by adherents of Haraldr Guðrøðarson to the prospect of Magnús' kingship there.
Two years later, the Chronicle of Mann and the Chronicle of Lanercost record that Magnús returned to Mann and with the consent of the Manxmen began his reign.
There are indications that opposition to Magnús, and thus possibly support of Haraldr Guðrøðarson, continued into the mid 1250s. For example, the chronicle records that Hákon bestowed upon Magnús the title of king in 1254; and further notes that, when Magnús' opponents heard of this bequeathment, they became dismayed and their hopes of overthrowing him gradually faded away.
Furthermore, Henry's 1256 letter, which orders his men not to receive Haraldr Guðrøðarson and Ívarr, may indicate that the two were still alive and active at the time. Whatever the case, Magnús, the last reigning king of the Crovan dynasty, ruled unchallenged as King of Mann and the Isles until his death in 1265.

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1265, Isle of Man, England; Konge 1265-1266.

Notes:

Occupation:
Godred 4 Magnusson, sønn av Magnus 3 Olavsson, var kortvarig konge av Man (Mann) i 1275. Han falt i slaget ved Ronaldsway den 8.oktober 1275 mot en skotsk hær sendt av kong Aleksander 3 av Skottland. Med Godreds død ebbet den norrøne mannslinjen til den gamle kongeslekten på øya Man i Irskesjøen ut, og hans øvrige familie flyktet til Norge.

Det er ikke nevnt om Godred var gift eller om han hadde noen sønn. Derimot kan han ha hatt en datter ved Magnhild som skal ha reist til Norge i tiden etter Godreds død. Navnet hans var blitt etablert på Man fra og med Godred Crovan, en av Godred Magnussons forgjengere, men navnet var uansett populær fra tidlig middelalder med varianter som Godfred, Godfrey, Giotto og videre, og betyr Guds fred.

Godred var et resultat av en lang rekke dynastiske forbindelser i og rundt Irskesjøen. Han var sønn av Magnus 3, også konge av Man, men underlagt den norske kronen som vasall og Man som norsk skattland. Man var blitt annektert av Skottland etter Magnus' død i 1265.

Godreds onkel var Harald 1 Olavsson Svarte, også konge av Man, men mer engasjert på Hebridene. Han døde sammen med sin brud på bryllupsreisen tilbake fra Norge hvor han var blitt gift med Cecilia Håkonsdatter, datter av kong Håkon Håkonsson av Norge.
Magnus Olavsson var en yngre bror av Harald, og ble siden selv konge av Man. Han følte sin posisjon truet av sterke monarkier rundt seg, både Skottland og England, og søkte anerkjennelse som konge av Man i Norge.

Magnus deltok i Håkon Håkonssons store felttog mot Skottland, og slåss i slaget ved Largs i 1263. Magnus Olavsson døde i Castletown den 24.november 1265 og ved Perthtraktaten i 1266 oppga Håkons sønn og arvtager Magnus Lagabøte alle norske krav på Man og de andre øyene mot Skottland. Man havnet uvillig inn under Skottland som sendte representanter for den skotske kronen til øya. Svært lite er kjent fra Mans historie i årene mellom 1266 og 1275.

Hans mor var Maria eller Mary av Argyll, en uklar skikkelse, som giftet seg som enke etter Magnus 3 først med Maol Íosa 2, jarl av Strathearn, og deretter med sir Hugh de Abernethy, og til sist med en William FitzWarin og døde en gang før 1303 og skal ha blitt gravlagt i Christ Church Greyfriars i London.
Hun var datter av Eóghan av Argyll (anglifisert som Ewen av Argyll) og nedstammet i direkte linje fra Somerled, en høvding av både gælisk og norrøn bakgrunn, og som selv erobret Man fra sin svoger for en kortere tid. Hun fikk også barn med sine andre ektemenn.

Vi vet ikke når Godred ble født og hvor gammel han var i den urolig tiden mellom 1266 og 1275. Hva som synes klart er at det gamle maktgrunnlaget for kongene på Man var gått i oppløsning. Det var kun Man tilbake mens den skotske kongen hadde tatt kontroll over øygruppene Hebridene, Skye, Islay, Mull of Kintyre, Arran og fastlandsområdet Argyll, hvor hans mor kom fra. Også Man var formelt underlagt Skottland, men vi vet lite om hva som skjedde på Man i denne tiden, unntatt at den skotske kongen utpekte bailiffer (en form for lensmenn) til Man, noe som nevnes den skotske Lanercost-krøniken.

I 1275 ble det strid om utnevnelsen av en ny biskop på Man, og det brøt ut stridigheter. At de skotske representantene ble dårlig mottatt synes opplagt, og kom i konflikt med lokale interesser. Over tid må striden ha toppet seg. Folket og mennene på Man valgte i 1275 å utrope Godred Magnusson som sin konge og leder, og således gjeninnføre det gamle norrøne styret. Det var en åpen krigserklæring mot den skotske kongen.

Godreds maktbase synes å ha vært i landsbyen Castletown som hadde en trygg havn og en mindre festning, Castle Rushen, som hans far hadde øyensynlig begynt å reise i stein fra en tidligere festningsverk i tømmer.

Den skotske kongen så på Godred og mennene på Man som ulydige opprørere, og sendte en flåte og en hær mot Man. Hæren var ledet av den skotsk-normanniske adelsmannen John de Vesci, herre av Alnwick. Hvor stor den skotske styrken var er uvisst, men det nevnes at det var andre adelsmenn i følget. Antagelig var disse riddere i rustninger, profesjonelle soldater, mens mennene på Man, både de av mansk som de av norrøn bakgrunn, var bønder og fiskere som sluttet opp om sin leder.
Skottene gikk i land ved St Michael's Isle rett nord for Langness den 7.oktober 1275. Folket på Man må ha vært så forberedt som de kunne være og da skottene sendte bud til Godred og hans menn om Guds og kongen av Skottlands fred på betingelse at de la til side deres absurde innbilskhet og overga seg til kongen og hans adel.

Godred og hans menn avslo tilbudet om betingelsesløs overgivelse, og slaget kom i gang før soloppgang den påfølgende dagen 8.oktober, mens mørket fortsatt dekket jorden. Stedet hvor slaget utspilte seg var Ronaldsway mellom Castletown og St Michael's Isle. Lanercost-krøniken slår kun fast at mennene fra Man ble drept, og blant de store tapene som de manske krigerne fikk var antagelig Godred selv blant de drepte da han ikke nevnes siden. I henhold til Krøniken om kongene av Mann og Øyene døde 537 menn. Med ham døde også den mannlige slektslinjen av det gamle norrøne dynastiet på Man ut. Det har vært spekulert om Godred kanskje likevel overlevde og flyktet til Wales.

Godred nevnes siden ikke i klartekst i noen kilder slik at det er sannsynlig at han var en av de drepte. Ved en utbedring av Mans flyplass på Ronaldsway i 1936 ble funnet et stort antall skjeletter som synes å ha blitt kastet sammen på uordnet vis. Det ble antatt av arkeologene fra Manx museum at denne samlingen av skjeletter kan ha vært en massegrav for de soldatene som falt i slaget ved Ronaldsway i 1275. Muligens var Godred en av de døde som slengt ned i graven.

Den mannlige slektslinjen døde ut med Godred Magnusson, men han synes å ha kvinnelige etterkommere. Bortsett fra den nevnte datteren Magnhild må det antagelig ha vært andre. I 1293 nevnes det om en viss kvinne ved navn Affreca, en mulig datterdatter av Godred, og som hevdet å være hans lovlige arving ved et brev av 15.juni 1293 av Edvard 1 av England til hans skotske vasall Johan Balliol. Den Affreca som ble gift med John de Courcy var datter av en annen mansk konge, Godred 2 Olavsson Svarte (død 1187) som Godred Magnusson her muligens blir forvekslet med. Kravet på Man er dog reelt da hun uansett var i samme slekt.

Den 25.mars 1305 utsendte Affreca en beskjed at hun hadde overført sin rettigheter til Man til en Simon de Montacute, og ved 1307 synes det som om Edvard 1 av England hadde gjenopptatt og gjennomført sitt krav på Man.

Maria eller Mary, en datter av Ragnvald 2 Gudrødsson, også en tidligere konge av Man, skal også ha gjort krav på Man, og hennes barnebarn, John Waldebeof, skal ha henvendt seg til Edvard 1 av England, uten at den engelske kongen lot til å bry seg større.

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Sofie married Sigfried av Orlamünde, "Sigfried 3" about 1181. Sigfried (son of Herman av Orlamünde and Irmgard) was born about 1160; died about 1206. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1188, Schlesvig, Schleswig-Holstein, Tyskland; Hertug av Slesvig.
• Occupation: 25 Dec 1202, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Valdemar Sejr, Valdemar 2 av Danmark (1170 - 28.mars 1241 i Vordingborg), sønn av Valdemar 1 den store, var dansk konge fra 1202 til 1241. Han etterfulgte sin bror Knut, som døde barnløs.

I 1188 ble han hertug av Slesvig.

Kronet til konge av Danmark 1.juledag 1202 i domkirken i Lund (Kilde: heimskringla.no).

Valdemar drev kraftig utenrikspolitikk. Den danske ekspansjonen, som Valdemar den store hadde påbegynt ble videreført under Knut, og også under Valdemar Sejr.
I 1204 hadde han et resultatløst felttog mot Viken for å støtte baglerne.
En traktat med keiser Fredrik 2 i 1214, gjorde han til herre over en del av Nord-Tyskland. La under seg Holstein, Ditmarsken, Hamburg og Lübeck.

Erobret Estland 1219-1220 etter flere korstog og foretok flere erobringstog til Østersjø landene. Ingen av erobringene ble etterfulgt av dansk bosetning og flere gikk tapt da han ble fanget av en av sine lendmenn 1223.

Den 15. juni 1219 kom Estland under dansk overherredømme. Paven hadde oppfordret kong Valdemar til å iverksette et dansk korstog til Det hellige land eller føre et korstog mot de antatt hedenske balterne. Valdemar ville langt heller gjøre ferdig den mangeårige erobringspolitikken i Estland slik at sverdridderne (senere innlemmet i Den tyske orden) ikke ble for mektige på bekostning av det danske kongedømmet.
Med på korstoget var også Johanniter-ordenen, som siden rundt 1130 hadde hatt pavens velsignelse til å føre rødt-hvitt korsbanner. Det var et hvitt kors som delte den røde duken i fire kvadratiske felter. Det danske flagget Dannebrog har som bekjent to kvadratiske og to avlange felter.

Roskilde-munken Peder Olsen beskrev omkring år 1500 det dramatiske slag hvor det lenge så ut som de kristne ville tape slaget ved Lyndanisse (i dag Tallinn) den 15. juni 1219. Den gamle erkebiskopen Anders Sunesen knelte i bønn på en bakketopp. Da han strakte armene mot himmelen rykket danskene fram og da armene av tretthet ble senket vek danskene tilbake. Det kom hjelpere til for å støtte den gamle erkebiskopens armer.
Denne delen av Roskilde-munk Peder Olsens beskrivelse fra omkring år 1500 kan tenkes å være inspirert av Bibel-fortellingen der Moses har omtrent samme rolle som Anders Sunesen, nemlig i 2. Mosebok 17:11-12.
Da kampen var på sitt kraftigste sendte Gud hjelp. Tegnet fra Gud var et rødt flagg med et hvitt kors som dalte ned fra himmelen. Dette ansporet danskene ytterligere, og de vant en stor seier. Kong Valdemar kunngjorde at dette korsbanner som ga danskene seieren skulle heretter være det danske riksbanner.

I 1217 sendte Valdemar sin nevø Albert av Orlamünde til Estland i håp om å erobre øya Øsel. Vinteren 1218–1219 var kald og hard nok til at man kunne sende tropper fra Riga over isen til Estland. Denne ekspedisjonen fikk i ettertid tilnavnet Det kalde korstog.
Sverdbroderordenen, tyske korsfarere og nyomvendte latviere og litauere bega seg i vinternattens mørke over isen til Suntaken og derfra over land til Reval. Frosten og den bitende vinden fikk ansiktshuden til slå sprekker og falle av. Mange forfrøs nese, hender og føtter i løpet av natten.
Om morgenen satte de i fortvilelse den første landsbyen de fant i brann for å skaffe seg varme, og de tilbrakte de neste dagene med å plyndre og drepe hedninger og deretter jagde de krigsfanger og kveg ut på isen ved Reval og gikk tilbake til Riga med byttet. I løpet av sommeren 1219 kom Valdemar selv. Hvis det er riktig at han hadde med seg 1500 skip hadde han også mobilisert de danske stormennenes egne styrker. Erkebiskop Sunesen var også med.
Danskene reiste nå den borgen som ble kalt for Danskeborgen, men som på estisk ble til Tallinn.

Esterne møtte fram hos Valdemar og overga seg til ham og kristendommen. Rørt ga Valdemar dem store gaver mens biskopene døpte dem. I virkeligheten var det en krigslist for esterne vendte tilbake tre dager senere og overfalt de danske styrkene. Danske satt og spiste kveldsmat og ble overrumplet. De ble reddet kun av at Vitslav av Rügen sto gjemt bak en sanddyne med sine ryttere og fikk drevet esterne på flukt.
Danskene og de tyske vasallene forfulgte de flyktende og skal ha drept mer enn et tusen av dem. Det ble holdt en takkegudstjeneste før Valdemar dro tilbake til Danmark. For sikkerhets skyld ble biskopene igjen med en tropp som hele året kjempet mot Revals beboere inntil de endelig modtok dåpens sakramente.

I løpet av en jakttur til Lyø i 1223 ble Valdemar Sejr sammen med sønnen Valdemar tatt til fange av greve Henrik av Schwerin, kalt for Sorte Henrik. Greven avverget påfølgende angrep fra danskene og i 1225 ble Valdemar kjøpt fri for den store sum 45 000 mark, penger som han måtte låne av Henrik selv. Dessuten var det en betingelse at alle erobrede områder i Nord-Tyskland skulle bli gitt tilbake. Til sist måtte kong Valdemar sverge på å avstå fra hevn.

Alt håp om å gjenerobre de tapte områdene brast med nederlaget ved Bornhøved i Holstein 22.juli 1227 - Rex amisit victoriam (kongen mistet seieren).
Han tok parti for baglerne i den norske tronstriden, dog uten større kraft og engasjement.
Forsøkte, og mislyktes, å gjeninnsette fordrevne Sverker den yngre på Sveriges trone.
De tyske besittelser gikk også tapt.

Deretter gikk Valdemar i gang med rikets indre oppbygging. Kort tid før sin død stadfestet han Den Jyske Lov og Danmarks jordebok med fortegnelser over konge-og krongods, og som bærer navn etter han.
Sølibatet og tienden ble innført og trelldommen avskaffet.

På grunn av sine mange erobringstokt fikk han tilnavnet Sejr. Alle områder unntatt Estland gikk imidlertid tapt igjen allerede i hans egen tid etter konflikten med greve Henrik. Som sin far søkte Valdemar Sejr å sikre den kongelige arvefølgen ved å få kronet sin eldste sønn som medkonge, og de andre sønnene fikk hver et landområde i arvelig len. Dette førte i praksis til en svekkelse av kongemakten og innebar kimen til den kampen om tronen som sønnene utkjempet etter hans død.
I 1205 giftet Valdemar Sejr seg med Dagmar, født på Vyšehrad i Praha og datter av Ottokar 1 av Böhmen (Tsjekkia). Hun var i henhold til tradisjonen elsket av befolkningen. Hun døde i 1212 og hviler udi Ringsted. På sitt dødsleie skulle hun i henhold til folkevisen ha forsøkt å overtale Valdemar Sejr til å ekte Karl av Rises datter Liden Kirsten, og ikke den beske blomme Bengerd som hun kalles i visen.

I 1214 giftet Valdemar Sejr seg med Berengaria som var datter av kong Sancho 1 av Portugal. Hun ble mor til Erik, Abel og Kristoffer.
Med Helena Guttormsdatter (datter av Guttorm jarl; enke etter Esbern Snare) fikk han utenfor ekteskap sønnen Knut Valdemarsson av Danmark (1211 – 1260), hertug av Reval (Tallinn).

Med Margrethe Dragomir (Dagmar av Danmark) fikk han sønnen Valdemar (1209–1231).

Med Berengaria av Portugal fikk han barna:
Erik Plogpenning (1216–1250)
Sofie av Danmark (1217–1247)
Abel av Danmark (ca. 1218-1252)
Kristoffer av Danmark (ca. 1219-1259).

Valdemar Sejrs liv og kriger er hovedtema i B.S.Ingemanns bok med samme navn fra 1826.

Family/Spouse: Helena Guttormsdatter. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Valdemar married Berengaria av Portugal before 1216. Berengaria (daughter of Sancho av Portugal, "Sancho 1" and Dulce Berenguer Ramonsdatter av Barcelona) was born about 1194 in Portugal; died about 1221 in Danmark. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1170, Danmark; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Knut 6 av Danmark (født 1163, død 12.november 1202), konge av Danmark fra 1182 til 1202. Knut var sønn av Valdemar den store og Sofia av Minsk.

Allerede, i 1170, som 7-åring ble Knut salvet og kronet som sin fars medkonge for å sikre at kongsmakten skulle bli i den samme kongsslekten.

Fra heimskringla.no:

Den 25.juni 1170 blir den helgenkårede hertug Knud Lavard (d.1131) skrinlagt i den nyinviede St.Bendts kirke i Ringsted. Samtidig blir danmarkhistoriens første kjente kongekronging sted, da hertug Knuds sønnesønn Knud Valdemarsen krones til konge.

Etter at faren døde i 1182 ble den 19-årige Knut formelt konge. I virkeligheten er det biskop Absalon som regjerer på hans vegne.

Sammen med sin yngre bror slo han ned et opprør i Skåne og erobret nye landområder i s.ø.

Knut nektet å avlegge lenseed til den tyske keiser Frederik Barbarossa. I stedet lyktes det i 1185 å beseire hertug Bugislav, den slaviske hersker over Vendland (Pommern), som ble tvunget til å anerkjenne dansk overherredømme. Derfor kalles Knut ikke bare for - danenes konge - men også - venderes konge. Danmarks grense ble da flyttet til elven Elben. Selv om herredømmet over Pommern opphørte i 1225 fortsatte danske konger til og med Frederik 9 av Danmark å titulere seg som venderes konge.

I 1197 ledet Knut personlig et korstog til Estland.

I 1177 giftet han seg med Gertrud, datter av hertug Henrik Løve av Sachsen og Bayern. Ekteskapet var barnløst.

Den første landskapsloven, Skånske Lov, ble utstedt under Knut 6.

Knut døde i 1202. Hans personlige innflytelse over kongedømmet har blitt diskutert. Han har ofte blitt sett på som en lojal støttespiller til den sterke biskop Absalons politikk. Livet igjennom sto Knut i skyggen av Absalon og broren Valdemar Seier. Samtidens kilder har beskrevet ham som en sterkt religiøs og ærlig mann.

Family/Spouse: Nokve på Giske. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1204, Tønsberg, Vestfold, Norge; Konge i Viken for baglerne.

Notes:

Occupation:
Erling Steinvegg utga seg for å være sønn av Magnus Erlingsen. Etter å ha båret jernbyrd (bevise ved å bære glødene metall et bestemt antall skritt uten å vise smerte) ble han hyllet av baglerne som konge i Viken 1204.
Overfalt Nidaros i 1206, og døde i Tunsberg.
Sønnen Siggurd Ribbung (1204-1226) ble i 1219 valgt til konge av ribbungene (Østlandet).