Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: England; Konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Henrik 1 Vilhjalmsson (født ca. 1068, død 1. desember 1135), var den femte sønnen til Vilhelm Erobreren og det første barnet som ble født i England etter den normanniske erobringen i 1066. Han etterfulgte sin eldre bror Vilhelm 2 Rufus) som konge av England i 1100. Engelsk konge 1100-1135 .
Utstedte Charta Libertatum 1101 som er grunnlaget for den engelske forfatning.
Han beseiret sin eldste bror hertug Robert Curthose og erobret Normandie i 1106.
Henrik ble på 1300-tallet kalt for Beauclerc grunnet sine interesser i boklig kunnskap.

Henrik ble født mellom mai 1068 og mai 1069, sannsynligvis i Selby, Yorkshire i nordøstlige England. Hans mor, dronning Matilda av Flandern, var en etterkommer av Alfred den store, men ikke direkte gjennom den vestsaksiske kongelige linje. Dronning Matilda navnga prins Henrik etter hennes onkel Henrik I av Frankrike. Som den fjerde og yngste sønnen i familien var hans framtidsutsikter å bli biskop og ble derfor gitt en mer omfattende skolegang enn hva som var normalt for en ung adelsmann. Kronikøren William av Malmesbury hevdet at Henrik en gang bemerket at en konge som ikke var lesekyndig var en kronet esel. Han var bestemt den første normanniske konge som snakket engelsk flytende.

William av Malmesbury har gitt følgende samtidsbeskrivelse:

Han var av middels statur, hans hår var sort, men skrinn nær forhodet; hans øyne var mildt og klart, hans brystkasse kraftig, hans kropp muskuløs. Han var spøkefull i høvelige tider, hverken mangfoldighet i forretninger som fikk ham til å være mindre behagelig når han var blant folk. Ikke utstrakt for personlig bekjempende, han bekreftet et utsagn fra Scipio Africanus, - Min mor fødte som general, ikke som soldat - derfor var han ikke mindre i visdom enn til noen annen konge i moderne tid; stridende ved beslutninger heller enn ved sverd. Om han kunne erobret han uten blodsutgytelse; om det ikke var til å unngå, med så lite som mulig.

I 1086 ble Henrik gjort til ridder av sin far i Westminster, men før den tid er lite kjent om hans liv. Han skal ha vært en favoritt hos sin mor og hun testamenterte flere eiendommer til ham som han dog ikke fikk benytte i sin fars levetid.

Uten å arve noe landområdet utnyttet Henrik broren Roberts pengevanskeligheter og for en mindre sum fikk han kjøpt distriktet Cotentin i Normandie. Han forhandlet med sin andre bror, Vilhelm Rufus, om å få råde over arven etter sin mor, men det vekket kun hertugens mistenksomhet og som kastet ham i fengsel. I 1090 kunne Henrik vise sin lojalitet ved på vegne av Robert å slå ned et opprør i Rouen (som broren Vilhelm Rufus hadde oppmuntret). Begge de eldre brødrene ble forsont året etter og sammen fikk de Henrik jagd fra Cotentin. Henrik ble tvunget til å svelge denne fornærmelsen og levde i nær to år i den franske delen av Vexin i relativ fattigdom. Han aksepterte deretter fra borgerne i Domfront et tilbud om å forsvare dem mot den anglo-normanniske Robert av Bellême, 3. jarl av Shrewsbury. Det førte til at han igjen kom til en enighet med Vilhelm Rufus, og gikk da med i brorens krig mot den eldste broren Robert.

Henrik forsøkte å spille sine brødre opp mot hverandre, men til slutt, vaktsomme over Henriks manøvreringer, gikk Vilhelm Rufus og Robert sammen og undertegnet en avtale som var ment å forhindre at prins Henrik fikk tilgang til deres riker ved at de gjensidig forpliktet seg til at om enten kong Vilhelm eller hertug Robert døde uten en arving, skulle deres to herredømmer fra deres far igjen bli forent av den overlevende som den andre.

I 1096 dro hertug Robert for å delta i det første korstoget. På den tiden var han ekstremt pengelens og han pantsatte sitt hertugdømme Normandie til sin bror Vilhelm for en sum av 10 000 mark. Henrik var da i Vilhelms tjeneste, og han deltok i det kongelige jaktselskapet på den dagen da Vilhelm døde, den 2. august 1100. Hadde Robert vært i Normandie kunne han ha krevd den engelske tronen etter sin bror, men Robert kom først tilbake til sitt hertugdømme en måned etter Henriks kroning.

Henriks regime er bemerkelsesverdig for dens politiske opportunisme. Hans plass i rekkefølgen til tronen ble bekreftet mens han bror Robert var unna av vegen på det første korstoget og begynnelsen av hans kongedømme var opptatt med krigføring mot broren for kontroll over både England og Normandie etter deres atskillelse etter farens død i 1087. Da han ble kronet konge signerte han et historisk frihetsbrev som underla kongen loven. Dette frihetsbrevet bebudet Magna Carta.
Her lovte Henrik å sikre kirken og adels rettigheter og stille kongen inn under loven. Han fengslet den mislikte Ranulf Flambard, Vilhelm Rufus’ sjefsminister og fikk således populær støtte blant det engelske folk.

Henriks kongedømme var fylt med lovmessige og finansielle reformer og han var en dyktig administrator. Han etablerte et system av reisende dommere og et profesjonelt statsbyråkrati, med blant annet en finansminister, exchequer, for å håndtere kronens finansier. På mange måter var Henriks styre den spede begynnelsen på den moderne statsmakten England.

Ulikhetene og motsetningene mellom den engelske og normanniske befolkningene begynte å jevne seg ut i løpet av hans regime. Selv giftet Henrik seg med en datter av det gamle engelske kongehuset, noe som var en stor symbolhandling. Henrik kranglet med Anselm, erkebiskop av Canterbury, som hevdet at kongen ikke hadde rett til å utnevnte biskoper, og for en tid gikk Anselm i landflyktighet, men til slutt måtte Henrik bøye av og inngikk fred med kirken.

Henrik tilbakekalte også erkebiskop Anselm fra hans landflyktighet og Anselm ga prekener til kongens ære. Til tross for den nye alliansen mellom kirken og kronen kunne ikke Anselm komme tilbake uten bestemte betingelser. Anselm måtte motta fra Henrik, i egen person, innsettingen til hans tidligere posisjon som erkebiskop, noe som var i konflikt med pavens beordring. Henrik nektet å frafalle de privilegier som hans forgjengere hadde sittet med, at kongen hadde retten til å utnevne biskoper.
I drakampen mellom Anselm og Henrik førte til at det politiske spørsmålet skulle legges fram for paven. To ambassadører ble sent til Roma og pave Paschalis II med spørsmålet om berettigelsen av Henriks innsettingsrett. Paven dømte til fordel for sin erkebiskop, men Henrik holdt likevel fast på sin rett, og i 1103 dro Anselm selv og utsendinger fra kongen til Roma. Paven bestemte igjen til fordel for kirken, og truet med bannlysing for alle de som forhindret den.

Uten mulighet til å dra tilbake til England dro Anselm til Lyon for å vente på pavens neste handling.
I 1105 bannlyste paven den engelske kongen. Henrik ble nå tvunget til å reagere, fikk arrangert et møte med pave Paschalis 2 og en forsoning ble etablert. I 1106 fikk Anselm tillatelse til å komme tilbake til England og med pavens autoritet for å fjerne bannlysningen.
Først i 1107 ble den lange krangelen om innsettingsrett endelig løst med et kompromiss i et konkordat i London hvor Henrik hevdet hans rett til å innsette hans biskoper og abbeder, men uten at disse fulgte sedvanen å gi hyllest for temporalities (landområdene knyttet til bispedømmene), og de gjenstående årene av Anselms liv var da knyttet til hans arbeid ved sitt erkebispesete til han døde i 1109.

Den 11. november 1100 giftet Henrik seg med Edith, datter av kong Malcolm 3 av Skottland. Ettersom Edith også var niese av Edgar Ætheling og oldebarn av Edvard Bekjennerens halvbror på farsiden, Edmund 2 av England, var ekteskapet en forening av den normanniske slektslinjen med den gammelengelske kongeslekten. Ekteskapet var ikke noe som gledet de normanniske baronene og som en konsesjon av deres følsomhet endret Edith navn til Matilda da hun ble dronning. Den andre siden av den samme saken var at Henrik ble langt mer akseptabel for den angelsaksiske befolkningen.

Edith vise seg som en god og meget respektert dronning. Hun fulgte sin mors eksempel, den hellige Margaret av Skottland, og henga seg til gode gjerninger, og skal etter sigende ha vasket beina til de fattige. Selv om Henrik var notorisk utro til sin dronning, var deres ekteskap tilsynelatende lykkelig.

Dronning Matilda (Edith) døde den 1.mai 1119 ved palasset i Westminster. Hun ble gravlagt i Westminster Abbey. Henrik fikk 2 barn med sin dronning:

- Maud av England (Matilda) (ca.februar 1102 – 10.september 1167). Hun ble først gift med Henrik 5 av Det tysk-romerske rike, og andre gang med Geoffrey 5, greve av Anjou, og fikk en arving i andre ekteskap.

- William Adelin, (5.august 1103 – 25.november 1120). Han giftet seg med Matilda (død 1154), datter av Fulko av Jerusalem, greve av Anjou. William døde i skipsulykken med Det hvite skip.

Ranulf Flambard, som satt fengslet i Tower of London, gjorde en dristig flykt, kom seg over Den engelske kanal og slo seg sammen med hertug Robert Curthose i Normandie i 1101. Robert, ved å være den eldre bror, betraktet England som hans farsarv og det brøt ut krig over spørsmålet.

I 1101 forsøkte Robert Curthose å erobre den engelske kronen fra kong Henrik, egget av Ranulf Flambard og andre anglo-normanniske baroner.
I juli samme år gjorde Robert invasjon ved Portsmouth. Robert av Bellême og andre normanniske baroner gikk over til Roberts side, men Vilhelm Rufus’ tidligere hoff ledet av Robert de Beaumont, 1. jarl av Leicester, sammen med kirken, støttet den innsatte kong Henrik. Beaumont og broren hadde vært tilstede ved New Forest da Vilhelm Rufus døde under mystiske omstendigheter, men sverget straks troskap til Henrik som belønnet ham med jarledømmet Leicester. Samtidig mistet han sine eiendommer i Normandie ved at disse ble konfiskert av Guillaume av Evreaux og Raoul de Tosny med makt under påskuddet at Beaumont hadde voldt dem skade gjennom sine råd til kongen.

Mot denne makten verget Robert Curthose og hans å møte disse i åpen kamp. Han manglet også populær støtte i England. Isteden ble det forhandlet en fredsavtale, den såkalte Alton-traktaten, hvor de to brødrene signert på at Robert anerkjente Henrik som konge av England i bytte for en årlig utbetaling på 2 000 mark og andre innrømmelser som at den engelske tronen overga sine normanniske landområder. Avtalen avsluttet den den truende krisen midlertidig. Robert og hans hær trakk seg tilbake til Normandie uten at et sverdslag var blitt utvekslet.

For Henrik var avtalen åpenbart kun ment for å skaffe seg et pusterom.
I 1105, for å få sluttet på utbetalingene til broren, ledet Henrik en invasjonsstyrke over den engelske kanal. Det var første gangen i historien at England invaderte det som siden skulle bli arvefienden Frankrike. Han erobret først Bayeux og Caen, men ble deretter personlig tvunget til avbryte felttoget grunnet de pressede politiske problemene med erkebiskop Anselm og innsettingsretten (se overfor). Med disse løst var han igjen tilbake i Normandie i løpet av sommeren 1106.

Etter hurtig å ha erobret det befestete klosteret i Saint-Pierre-sur-Dives i nærheten av Falaise vendte Henrik og hæren sørover og beleiret festningen Tinchebray på en høyde overfor byen av samme navn. Tinchebray lå på grensen av fylket Mortain i sørvestlige Normandie, og ble holdt av en av de få betydningsfulle grevene som fortsatt var lojale til hertug Robert.

Hertug Robert kom med sine styrker for å bryte Henriks beleiring, og etter noen fånyttige forhandlinger var kamp uunngåelig. Om morgenen den 28. september 1106, nøyaktig 40 år etter at Vilhelm Erobreren invaderte England, sto det avgjørende slaget mellom hans to sønner, Robert Curthose og Henry Beauclerc. Kampen var uventet og uforberedt. Henrik og hans arme kom marsjerende sørover fra Barfleur mot Domfront mens Robert marsjerte Falaise mot Mortain. De møttes ved vegkryssingen ved Tinchebray og slaget strakte seg ut over flere kilometer. Stedet hvor det meste av slaget foregikk er ved landsbyens idrettsplass i dag. Den viktigste delen av kampen i seg selv varte kun en time, og da Henrik lot en skjult reserveavdeling angripe fikk han overtaket. Robert forsøkte å ta til flukten, men ble tatt til fange ved et sted 3 km nord for Tinchebray. En bondegård ved navn - Prise - står i dag på samme sted ved motervegen D22 og en gravstein dekorert med tre riddere står ikke langt unna ved den samme vegen.

De fleste i Roberts hær ble tatt til fange eller drept. Foruten Robert Curthose selv ble også følgende tatt til fange: Edgar Ætheling, onkel av Henriks hustru og tidligere krevd Englands trone, og William, greve av Mortain, en uforsonlig fiende av Henrik.

De fleste av fangene ble løslatt, men Robert Curthose og William av Mortain tilbrakte resten av livet i fangenskap. I overmot lot Henrik brorens sønn, William Clito, bli satt i et behagelig forvaring som han senere rømte fra og siden bisto opposisjonen mot den engelske tronen. Robert Curthose ble derimot sittende innesperret resten av livet. Først ble han oppbevart i Tower of London, deretter overført til festningen Devizes Castle i den engelske byen Devizes i Wiltshire i de neste tyve årene før han ble flyttet til Cardiff Castle. Ved Cardiff gjorde han et forsøk på rømme. Mens han var ute og red gjorde han et desperat forsøk på å ri vekk, men hesten ble dratt ned i myr og han ble tatt til fange på nytt. For å forhindre nye rømningsforsøk fikk Henrik sin brors øyne brent ut. Robert døde ved Cardiff i 1134. Han var da i begynnelsen av 80-årene.

Henrik tok hertugdømmet Normandie som en besittelse under kongeriket England og forente således sin fars rike. Selv etter at han hatt tatt kontroll over hertugdømmet verget han seg fra å bruke tittelen hertug. Han styrte det som konge av England. Grunnen var at hertugen av Normandie var formelt en vasall under den franske krone, og den franske kongen presset på for at han skulle gi sin hyllest som vasall. Som konge i sin egen rett var Henrik uvillig til adlyde og fikk isteden sin sønn William Adelin utnevnt, om enn i navnet, som hertug i 1115 og den franske kongen aksepterte til slutt dette i 1120.

I 1131 i et forsøk på å redusere vanskelighetene i Normandie fikk han forlovet sin eldste sønn William Adelin til datteren av Fulko av Jerusalem, greve av Anjou, den gang en bekymringsfull motstander. Ekteskapet ble inngått i 1119. Åtte år senere, etter Williams beklagelige død, ble en langt mer betydningsfull allianse inngått mellom Henriks datter Maud (Matilda) og Fulkos sønn Geoffrey Plantagenet, som til slutt førte til at de to rikene ble forent under av konge Huset Plantagenet.

Henrik var også kjent for å være hardhendt når det var behov for det. Han lot en gang en forrædersk borger ved navn Conan Pilatus bli kastet fra tårnet i Rouen, tårnet har siden blitt kjent som - Conan's Leap - eller - Conans sprang.
Ved en annen anledning som skjedde i 1119 utveksling Henriks svigersønn, Eustace de Pacy, og Ralph Harnec, constable av Ivry, gisler i form av den enes sønn og den andres døtre. Av en ukjent grunn lot Eustace den unge mannen bli blindet, og den rasende Ralph Harnec forlangte å gjøre det samme med pikene. Kong Henrik ga ham tillatelse til å gjøre dette mot de to pikene som også var hans egne barnebarn. Eustace og hans hustru Juliane ble rasende og truet med å gjøre opprør. Henrik arrangerte et møte med sin datter i Breteuil. Der forsøkte Juliane å rette en armbrøst mot sin far og myrde ham. Hun ble tatt til fange og holdt i forvaring i en festning, men unnslapp ved å hoppe ut av et vindu og ned i vollgraven.
Først noen år senere ble Henrik forsont med sin svigersønn og datter.

Tragedien rammet England og Henrik 1 som et sjokk da hans eneste legitime sønn William Adelin på veg tilbake fra Normandie druknet i Den engelske kanal, i tragedien med Det hvite skipet den 25.november 1120 Han var kun 17 år gammel da skipet grunnstøtte. Blant de omkomne var flere av Henriks slektninger og kremen av Englands unge adel. William hadde kommet seg ombord i livbåt, men snudde for å redde sin halvsøster, men de desperate skipbrudne kastet seg ombord i livbåten, veltet den og alle unntatt en druknet.

Her døde også med William, Richard, en annen av kongens sønner, som en kvinne uten rang før hans tiltredelse hadde født ham, en tapper ungdom, og kjær for sin far for sin lydighet; Richard d'Avranches, andre jarl av Chester, og hans bror Otheur; Geoffrey Ridel; Walter av Everci; Geoffrey, erkediakon av Hereford; grevinnen av Perche, kongens datter; grevinnen av Chester; kongens niese Lucia-Mahaut of Blois; og mange andre... Intet annet skip brakte så mye sorg til England, skrev William av Malmesbury.

Katastrofen var middelalderens utgave av Titanic-forliset. Henrik var overveldet av personlig sorg, men sto også overfor politiske problemer da han ikke lenger hadde en opplagt arving til det rike han møysommelig hadde fått konstruert ved hjelp av diplomatiske evner og allianser.

I et håp om å skaffe seg en ny mannlig arving giftet Henrik seg den 29.januar 1121 med den unge og vakre Adeliza av Louvain, født samme år som hans avdøde sønn, datter av Godefroid 1 av Louvain, hertug av Nedre Lorraine og landgreve av Brabant, men dette ekteskapet produserte ingen arving. Sittende uten en mannlig arving tok Henrik det hittil ukjente skritt å få sine baroner til å sverge troskap til hans datter keiserinne Maud av England, enke etter keiser Henrik 5, som hans arving og etterfølger.

Henrik besøkte Normandie i 1135 for besøke sine unge barnebarn, barna til Maud og Geoffrey. Han hadde store glede av sine barnebarn, men kom snart i krangel med sin datter og svigersønn, og disse stridene førte til at han ble lengre i Normandie enn han opprinnelig hadde planlagt.

Henrik døde den 1. desember 1135 fra matforgiftning etter - en forspising på niøyer - noe han var spesielt glad i, ved Saint-Denis-en-Lyons (i dag Lyons-la-Forêt) i Normandie. Liket ble sydd inn i en okse for å bevare legemet ved frakten til England, og ble gravlagt i Reading Abbey, som han hadde grunnlagt 14 år tidligere.

Hans testamente betinget at han skulle bli etterfulgt av sin datter, keiserinne Maud (Matilda). Selv om Henriks baroner hadde sverget troskap og lydighet til hans datter som deres dronning, var hennes kjønn og hennes ekteskap med Huset Anjou, en fiende av normannerne, et problem, og tillot Henriks nevø, Stefan av Blois, å komme til England og kreve tronen med populær støtte.

Mens England hadde hatt stort fredelige tider og vekst under Henrik, blant annet ved at han tok krigen og slagene i Normandie framfor England, betydde hans død en slutt på den innenlandske stabiliteten og til en opprivende strid mellom tidligere keiserinnen Maud og Stefan. Den førte til en lang borgerkrig som karakterisert som kaoset eller anarkiet - det engelske kaos under Stefan.

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Fergus av Galloway. Fergus died about 12 May 1161. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Olaf (Olof) Gudrødsen, "Olafr 1". Olaf (son of Gudrød Crovan Haraldsen, "Godred 3" and Ragnhild Haraldsdatter) was born about 1080 in Isle of Man, England; died about 29 Jun 1153 in Isle of Man, England. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1187, Dublin, Irland; Konge av Dublin og øyene mot England-Skottland (del 1).
• Occupation: Bef 1187, Dublin, Irland; Konge av Dublin og øyene mot England-Skottland (del 2).

Notes:

Occupation:
Guðrøðr Óláfsson (died 10 November 1187) was a twelfth-century ruler of the kingdoms of Dublin and the Isles. Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. Throughout his career, Guðrøðr battled rival claimants to the throne, permanently losing about half of his realm to a rival dynasty in the process. Although dethroned for nearly a decade, Guðrøðr clawed his way back to regain control of a partitioned kingdom, and proceeded to project power into Ireland. Although originally opposed to the English invasion of Ireland, Guðrøðr adeptly recognised the English ascendancy in the Irish Sea region and aligned himself with the English. All later kings of the Crovan dynasty descended from Guðrøðr.

In the last year of his father's reign, Guðrøðr was absent at the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway, forging closer ties with the Kingdom of Norway. When Óláfr was assassinated by rival members of the Crovan dynasty in 1153, Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, overthrew his usurping cousins, and seized the throne for himself. Guðrøðr evidently pursued a more aggressive policy than his father, and the following year appears to have lent military assistance to Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain in the latter's bid for the high-kingship of Ireland. Not long afterwards, Guðrøðr faced a dynastic challenge from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, whose son, as a grandson of Óláfr, possessed a claim to the throne. Late in 1156, Guðrøðr and Somaile fought an inconclusive sea-battle and partitioned the kingdom of the Isles between them. Two years later Somairle stuck again and forced Guðrøðr from the Isles altogether.

Guðrøðr appears to have spent his exile in the kingdoms of England and Scotland before journeying to Norway. In about 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing Norwegian civil wars at the final downfall of Ingi. Guðrøðr made his return to the Isles in 1164, in the aftermath of Somairle's defeat and death at the hands of the Scots. Although he regained the kingship itself, the territories ceded to Somairle in 1156 were retained by the latter's descendants. At some point in his career, Guðrøðr briefly held the kingship of Dublin. Although he was initially successful in fending off Muirchertach, the Dubliners eventually settled with the latter, and Guðrøðr returned to the Isles. This episode may have bearing on Guðrøðr's marriage to Findguala ingen Néill, Muirchertach's granddaughter. In 1170, Dublin fell to an Anglo-Irish alliance. The following year the ousted King of Dublin attempted to retake the town, and Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht attempted to dislodge the English from Dublin. In both cases, Guðrøðr appears to have provided military assistance against the English. In succeeding years, however, Guðrøðr aligned himself with one of the most powerful English conquerors, John de Courcy. Guðrøðr's assistance to John, who had married Guðrøðr's daughter, Affrica, may have played a critical role in John's successful conquest of the Kingdom of Ulaid. Guðrøðr died in 1187 and was succeeded by his eldest son, R?gnvaldr. Although Guðrøðr may have attempted to avert any succession disputes between his descendants, R?gnvaldr and his younger brother, Óláfr svarti, eventually fought each over the throne, and the resulting conflict carried on into later generations.

Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles (died 1153) and his wife Affraic ingen Fergusa. The men were members of the Crovan dynasty, a Norse-Gaelic kindred descended from Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1095). Following Guðrøðr Crovan's death in 1095, there is a period of uncertainty in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Although the latter's eldest son, Logmaðr, appears to have succeeded to the kingship, he was soon forced to content with factions supporting his younger brothers: Haraldr, and Óláfr. Although he successfully dealt with Haraldr, foreign powers from Ireland intruded into the Isles, and Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) seized control of the kingdom. At some point, Óláfr was entrusted to the protection of Henry 1, King of England (died 1135), and spent his youth in England before his eventual restoration as King of the Isles in the second decade of the twelfth century.

The thirteenth–fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr's mother, Affraic, was a daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161). Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he was married to an illegitimate daughter of Henry I, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of his offspring, including Affraic herself. Although the union between Guðrøðr's parents is not dated in contemporary sources, it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English Crown, one of the most powerful monarchies in western Europe. As for Fergus, the union bound Galloway more tightly to a neighbouring kingdom from which an invasion had been launched during the overlordsship of Magnús. The alliance with Óláfr also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and further gave him a valuable ally outwith the orbit of the Scottish Crown.

Another alliance involving Óláfr was that with Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164). Perhaps at about 1140, during a period when the latter was an apparent dependant of David 1, King of Scotland (died 1153), Somairle married Ragnhildr, one of Óláfr's illegitimate daughters. There is reason to suspect that the alliance was an after effect of the Scottish Crown's advancing overlordship. The marriage itself had severe repercussions on the later history of the Isles, as it gave the Meic Somairle—the descendants of Somairle and Ragnhildr—a claim to the kingship through Ragnhildr's royal descent. In the words of the chronicle, the union was the cause of the collapse of the entire Kingdom of the Isles.

Although the Chronicle of Mann portrays Óláfr's reign as one of tranquillity, a more accurate evaluation of his reign may be that he adeptly managed to navigate an uncertain political climate. By the mid part of the twelfth century, however, the ageing king's realm may well have begun to buckle under the strain, as perhaps evidenced by the depredations wrought on the Scottish mainland by Óláfr's leading ecclesiast, Wimund, Bishop of the Isles (fl. c.1130–c.1150). Confirmation of Óláfr's concern over the royal succession may well be preserved by the Chronicle of Mann, which states that Guðrøðr journeyed to the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) in 1152, where Guðrøðr rendered homage to the Norwegian king, and seemingly secured recognition of the royal inheritance of the Isles. According to Robert's Chronica, the kings of the Isles owed the kings of Norway a tribute of ten gold marks upon the accession of a new Norwegian king. This statement could indicate that Guðrøðr rendered Ingi such a payment upon his visit to the Norwegian court in 1152.

The following year marked a watershed in the history for the Kingdom of the Isles. For not only did David die late in May, but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later, on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway. According to the chronicle, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men—that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them—a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar slew Óláfr himself. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves. Once in control, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Guðrøðr, the kingdom's legitimate heir, by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather, Fergus. Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find. This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother. Whatever the case, within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, enstrengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other 2, and successfully secured the kingship for himself. Whether Guðrøðr succeeded to the throne in 1153 or 1154 is uncertain. The chronicle itself states that he overcame the Haraldssonar in the autumn following their coup.

Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit. Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, as recorded by the twelfth-century Vita Ailredi, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death. Óláfr and Guðrøðr's turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness, and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm 4, King of Scotland (died 1165). The dynastic-challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.

Midway through the twelfth-century, Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain (died 1166) pressed forth to claim to the high-kingship of Ireland, an office then held by the elderly Toirrdelbach Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht (died 1156). In 1154, the forces of Toirrdelbach and Muirchertach met in a major conflict fought off the Inishowen coast, in what was perhaps one of the greatest naval battles of the twelfth century. According to the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters, Muirchertach's maritime forces were mercenaries drawn from Galloway, Arran, Kintyre, Mann, and the territories of Scotland. This record appears to be evidence that Guðrøðr, Fergus, and perhaps Somairle, provided ships to Muirchertach's cause. Although Toirrdelbach's forces obtained a narrow victory, his northern maritime power seems to have been virtually nullified by the severity of the contest, and Muirchertach soon after marched on Dublin, gained overlordship over the Dubliners, and effectively secured himself the high-kingship of Ireland for himself.

The defeat of forces drawn from the Isles, and Muirchertach's subsequent spread of power into Dublin, may have had severe repercussions concerning Guðrøðr's career. In 1155 or 1156, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Somairle precipitated a coup against Guðrøðr, specifying that Þorfinnr Óttarsson, one of the leading men of the Isles, produced Somairle's son, Dubgall, as a replacement to Guðrøðr's rule. Somairle's stratagem does not appear to have received unanimous support, however, as the chronicle specifies that the leading Islesmen were made to render pledges and surrender hostages unto him.

Late in 1156, on the night of 5-6 January, Somairle and Guðrøðr finally clashed in a bloody but inconclusive sea-battle. According to the chronicle, Somairle's fleet numbered eighty ships, and when the fighting concluded, the men divided the Kingdom of the Isles between themselves. Although the precise partitioning is unrecorded and uncertain, the allotment of lands seemingly held by Somairle's descendants in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries could be evidence that he and his son gained the southern-most islands of the Hebrides, whilst Guðrøðr retained the northern-most. Two years later the chronicle reveals that Somairle, with a fleet of fifty-three ships, attacked Mann and drove Guðrøðr from the kingship and into exile. According to the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga, the contemporary Orcadian warlord Sveinn Ásleifarson (died 1171?) had connections in the Isles, and overcame Somairle in battle at some point in the twelfth century. Although this source's account of Sveinn and Somairle is clearly somewhat garbled, it could be evidence that Sveinn aided Guðrøðr in his struggle against Somairle. Although the young Dubgall may well have been the nominal King of the Isles following Guðrøðr's final defeat, the chronicle makes it clear that it was Somairle who possessed the real power, and certain Irish source regarded Somairle as king by the end of his career. Why Somairle's son was selected in his place is uncertain; it may have been because Somairle himself was somehow an unacceptable candidate to the Islesmen, and that Ragnhildr's ancestry lent credibility to Dubgall that Somairle lacked himself.

Contemporaneous sources reveal that, upon his expulsion, Guðrøðr attempted to garner royal support in England and Scotland. For example, the English Pipe rolls record that, in 1158, the sheriffs of Worcester and Gloucester received allowances for payments made to Guðrøðr for arms and equipment. Guðrøðr may have arrived in England by way of Wales. The English Crown's recent use of naval forces off the Gwynedd coast, as well as Guðrøðr's own familial links with the king himself, may account for the Guðrøðr's attempts to secure English assistance. Whatever the case, Guðrøðr was unable to gain Henry 2's help, and the latter proceeded to busy himself in Normandy. Guðrøðr next appears on record in Scotland, the following year, when he witnessed a charter of Malcolm to Kelso Abbey. The fact that the Scottish Crown had faced opposition from Somairle in 1153 could suggest that Malcolm was sympathetic to Guðrøðr's plight. Although the latter was certainly honourably treated by the Scots, as revealed by his prominent place amongst the charter's other witnesses, he was evidently unable to secure military support against Somairle.

It is uncertain why Guðrøðr did not turn to his grandfather, Fergus, for aid. One possibility is that the defeat of the Gallovidian fleet in 1154 severely weakened the latter's position in Galloway. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that Galloway endured a bitter power struggle later that decade. According to the twelfth–thirteenth-century Chronicle of Holyrood, Malcolm overcame certain - confederate enemies - in Galloway in 1160. Although the exact identities of these opponents are unknown, it is possible that this source documents a Scottish victory over an alliance between Somairle and Fergus. Before the end of the year, Fergus retired to Holyrood Abbey, and Somairle came into the king's peace. Although the concordat between the Scottish Crown and Somairle may have taken place after the Malcolm's subjugation of Somairle and Fergus, an alternate possibility is that the agreement was concluded in the context of Somairle having aided the Scots in their overthrow of Fergus. Somairle's deal with Scottish Crown may also have been undertaken not only in an effort to ensure that his own authority in the Isles was recognised by Malcolm, but to limit any chance of Guðrøðr receiving future royal support from the Scots.

Having failed to secure substantial support in England and Scotland, Guðrøðr appears to have turned to Ingi, his nominal Norwegian overlord. In late 1160 or early 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing civil war in the Norwegian realm, as evidenced by Hákonar saga herðibreiðs within the thirteenth-century saga-compilation Heimskringla. The fact that the Icelandic Annals allege that Guðrøðr assumed the kingship of the Isles in 1160 could be evidence that, whilst in Norway, Ingi formally recognised Guðrøðr as king in a public ceremony. There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's support of Ingi may have been undertaken in the context of fulfilling military obligations as a vassal. Be that as it may, Hákonar saga herðibreiðs reveals that Guðrøðr played an important part in Ingi's final downfall in battle at Oslo in 1161. Up until 1155, Ingi had shared the kingship with his brothers Sigurðr (died 1155) and Eysteinn (died 1157). With both of these brothers dead by 1157, Ingi was forced to contend with Hákon Sigurðarson (died 1162), who had been elected to the kingship within the year. In regard to Guðrøðr himself, the saga relates that during this final battle against Hákon, Guðrøðr, at the head of fifteen-hundred men, went over to Hákon's side. Guðrøðr's decision to abandon his embattled overlord tipped the scales in favour of Hákon, and directly contributed to Ingi's defeat and death. The young Magnús Erlingsson (died 1184) was elected king after Ingi's death, and following the fall of Hákon, was crowned king in 1163-1164. It is likely that Guðrøðr was present at Magnús Erlingsson's coronation, and possible that Guðrøðr rendered homage to him as well.

Somairle was slain in an unsuccessful invasion of mainland Scotland in 1164. The declaration in the fifteenth–sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster, of Somairle's forces being drawn from Argyll, Kintyre, Dublin, and the Isles, reveals the climax of Somairle's authority and further confirms his usurpation of power from Guðrøðr. Despite the record preserved by the Icelandic Annals—that Guðrøðr regained the kingship of the Isles in 1160—it appears that Guðrøðr made his actual return to the region after Somairle's fall. Although it is possible that Dubgall was able to secure power following his father's demise, it is evident from the Chronicle of Mann that the kingship was seized by Guðrøðr's brother, R?gnvaldr (fl. 1164), before the end of the year. Almost immediately afterwards, Guðrøðr is said by the same source to have arrived on Mann, ruthlessly overpowered his brother, and regained the kingship once and for all. Upon Guðrøðr's reestablishment in the Isles, the realm was partitioned between two closely related rival kindreds: the Meic Somairle and Crovan dynasty.

In an entry dated 1172, the chronicle states that Mann was invaded by a certain Ragnall mac Echmarcacha, a man who slaughtered a force of Manx coast-watchers before being slain himself in a later engagement on the island. Although the chronicle claims that Ragnall was of - royal stock - his identity is otherwise uncertain. One possibility is that this man's final adventure was somehow related to the dramatic fall of Norse-Gaelic Dublin in the preceding years. He could have possessed a connection with the former rulers of the town, as a distant relative of Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1064-1065). Another possibility is that the attack was somehow related to events in northern Ireland, where the Meic Lochlainn lost hold of the Cenél nEógan kingship to Áed Méith. In fact, it is possible that the invader himself was a member of the Uí Catháin, a branch of the Uí Néill who were opponents of John de Courcy (died c. 1219), Guðrøðr's English ally and son-in-law.

Occupation:
For a brief duration of his career, Guðrøðr appears to have possessed the kingship of Dublin. The chronology of his rule is unclear, however, as surviving sources concerning this episode are somewhat contradictory. According to the Chronicle of Mann, the Dubliners invited Guðrøðr to rule over them as king in the third year of his reign in the Isles. If correct, such an arrangement would have almost certainly provoked Muirchertach, the Dubliners' Irish overlord. In fact, the chronicle reveals that Muirchertach indeed took exception to such overtures, and marched on Dublin with a massive host before forming up at Cortcelis. Whilst in control of Dublin, Guðrøðr and the defending Dubliners are stated to have repulsed a force of 3.000 horsemen under the command of a certain Osiblen. After the latter's fall, Muirchertach and his remaining host retired from the region.

The chronicle's version of events appears to be corroborated by the Annals of Ulster. Unlike the previous source, however, this one dates the episode to 1162. Specifically, Muirchertach's forces are recorded to have devastated the Ostman lands of - Magh Fitharta - before his host of horsemen were repulsed. Despite the difference in their chronologies, both accounts refer to similar military campaigns, and the uncertain place names of - Cortcelis - and - Magh Fitharta - may well refer to nearby locations roughly in the Boyne Valley. Another source documenting the conflict is the Annals of the Four Masters. According this account preserved by this source, after Muirchertach's setback at Dublin and subsequent withdrawal in 1162, he left the forces of Leinster and Mide to campaign against the Dubliners. In time, the source states that a peace was concluded between the Irish and the Dubliners in which the latter rendered a tribute of one hundred forty ounces of gold to Muirchertach. The payment reveals that the Dubliners recognised Muirchertach as their overlord, which in turn suggests that the price for peace was Guðrøðr's removal from the kingship.

In the winter of 1176-1177, the chronicle reveals that Guðrøðr was formally married to Muirchertach's granddaughter, Findguala Nic Lochlainn, in a ceremony conducted under the auspices of the visiting papal legate, Vivian, Cardinal priest of St Stephen in Celio Monte. The precise date when Guðrøðr and Findguala commenced their liaison is unknown, and the two could have been a couple for some time before their formal marriage. It is possible that the union was originally brokered as a compromise on Muirchertach's part, as a means to placate Guðrøðr for withdrawing from Dublin. The demonstrable unreliability of the chronicle's chronology, and the apparent corroboration of events by the Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of Ulster, suggests that the Guðrøðr's adventure in Dublin date to about 1162. Such a date, however, appears to contradict the fact that Guðrøðr seems to have endured Norwegian exile in 1160-1161, and apparently only returned to the Isles in 1164. If the chronicle's date is indeed correct, Guðrøðr's inability to incorporate Dublin into the Kingdom of the Isles could well have contributed to his loss of status to Somairle.

There may be reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's defeat to Somairle was partly enabled by an alliance between Muirchertach and Somairle. For example, Argyllmen formed part of the mercenary fleet utilised by Muirchertach in 1154, and it is possible that the commander of the fleet, a certain Mac Scelling (fl. 1154–1173/1174), was a relation of Somairle himself. If Muirchertach and Somairle were indeed allied at this point in time it may have meant that Guðrøðr faced a united front of opposition. If correct, it could also be possible that Þorfinnr participated in Somairle's insurrection as an agent of Muirchertach. On the other hand, the fact that Somairle and Muirchertach jostled over ecclesiastical affairs in the 1160s suggests that these two were in fact rivals. Furthermore, the fact that Þorfinnr may have been related to a previous King of Dublin could reveal that Þorfinnr himself was opposed to Muirchertach's foreign overlordship. If Guðrøðr's difficulties in Dublin indeed date to a period just before Somairle's coup, the cooperation of men like Þorfinnr could be evidence that Dubgall, on account of his maternal ancestry and powerful father, was advanced as a potential candidate to the united kingship of Dublin and the Isles.

Later in his reign, Guðrøðr again involved himself in the affairs of Dublin. In 1166, the slaying of Muirchertach meant that 2 men made bids for the high-kingship of Ireland: Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht (died 1198) and Diarmait Mac Murchada, King of Leinster (died 1171). The latter had possessed the overlordship of Dublin since Muirchertach's actions there in 1162. Within the same year as Muirchertach's fall, however, Diarmait was overcome by Ruaidrí and his allies, and forced him from Ireland altogether. Although Ruaidrí thereupon gained the high-kingship for himself, Diarmait made his return the following year enstrengthened with English mercenaries, and reclaimed the core of his lands. In 1170 even more English troops flocked to Diarmait's cause, including Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke (died 1176), who successfully stormed the Norse-Gaelic enclave of Waterford. Richard soon after married Diarmait's daughter, Aífe, and effectively became heir to kingship of Leinster and the overlordship of Dublin. Later that year, the combined forces of Diarmait and Richard marched on Dublin, and drove out the reigning Ascall mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin (died 1171).

According to the twelfth-century Expugnatio Hibernica, Ascall and many of the Dubliners managed to escape by fleeing to the northern islands. On one hand, this term could well refer to Orkney. On the other hand, it is also possible that the term refers to the Hebrides or Mann. If so, this source would appear to be evidence that the Dubliners had retained close links with the Isles. Whatever the case, within weeks of Diarmait's death early in May 1171, Ascall made his return to Dublin. The account of events recorded by Expugnatio Hibernica and the twelfth–thirteenth-century La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande indicate that Ascall's forces consisted of heavily armoured Islesmen and Norwegians. The invasion itself was an utter failure, however, and Ascall himself was captured and executed. Amongst the slain appears to have been Sveinn himself, Guðrøðr's apparent ally in arms.

The successive deaths of Diarmait and Ascall left a power vacuum in Dublin that others sought to fill. Almost immediately after Ascall's fall, for example, Ruaidrí had the English-controlled town besieged. Expugnatio Hibernica records that he and Lorcán Ua Tuathail, Archbishop of Dublin (died 1180) sent for Guðrøðr, and others in the Isles, asking them to blockade Dublin by sea. Whilst it is possible that Guðrøðr may have been enticed to assist the Irish through the promise of financial compensation, and perhaps the possession of any vessel his fleet captured in the operation, there is reason to suspect that the Islesmen were disquieted by prospect of permanent English authority in the region. Certainly, Expugnatio Hibernica states that:

The threat of English domination, inspired by the successes of the English, made the men of the Isles act all the more quickly, and with the wind in the north-west they immediately sailed about thirty ships full of warriors into the harbour of the Liffey.

Although the operation was one of the greatest military mobilisations that the Irish mustered in the twelfth century, the blockade was ultimately a failure, and Dublin remained firmly in the hands of the English. Ascall was the last Norse-Gaelic King of Dublin; and before the end of the year, Clare relinquished possession of Dublin to his own liege lord, Henry 2, who converted it into an English royal town.

With Dublin's defeat at the hands of English adventurers, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by a threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone. Despite his original opposition to the English in Dublin, Guðrøðr did not take long to realign himself with this new power, as exemplified though the marital alliance between his daughter, Affrica (died 1219-), and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy.

In 1177, John led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down). He reached Down (modern day Downpatrick), drove off Ruaidrí Mac Duinn Sléibe, King of Ulaid (died 1201), consolidated his conquest, and ruled with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century. Although the precise date of the marriage between John and Affrica is unknown, the union itself may well have attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland. Certainly, decades later in the reign of Guðrøðr's son and successor, R?gnvaldr (died 1229), John received significant military support from the Crovan dynasty, and it is not improbable that Guðrøðr himself supplied similar assistance. In the 1190s, John also received military assistance from Guðrøðr's kinsman Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick (died 1250). Like Guðrøðr, Donnchad was a grandson of Fergus, and it possible that John's marriage to Affrica accounts for Donnchad's cooperation with him.

Although the promise of maritime military support could well have motivated John to align himself with Guðrøðr, there may have been a more significant aspect to their alliance. The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past-history between them, and it is possible that the binding of John to the Crovan dynasty was actually the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid. In fact, Guðrøðr formalised his own marriage to Findguala in 1176/1177, and it was by this union that Guðrøðr bound his own dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn, another traditional foe of the Ulaid. Another contributing factor to the alliance between Guðrøðr and John may have been the Meic Lochlainn's loss of the Cenél nEógain kingship to the rival Uí Néill dynast Áed Méith Ua Néill (died 1230) in 1177. The latter certainly clashed with John before the end of the century, and the strife between the Uí Néill and Meic Lochlainn continued on for decades. Whatever the case, the unions meant that John was protected on his right flank by Guðrøðr, through whom John shared a common interest with the Meic Lochlainn, situated on his left flank. John would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage, whilst Guðrøðr may have used John's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.

There is reason to regard Óláfr, like his Scottish counterpart David, as a reforming monarch. Guðrøðr continued Óláfr's modernising policies, as evidenced by surviving sources documenting the ecclesiastical history of the Isles. For example, Guðrøðr confirmed his father's charter to the abbey of St Mary of Furness, in which the monks of this Cistercian house were granted the right to select the Bishop of the Isles. Guðrøðr granted the English priory of St Bees the lands of Escheddala (Dhoon Glen) and Asmundertoftes (Ballellin) in exchange for the church of St Óláfr and the lands of Euastad (perhaps near Ballure). In the reigns of Guðrøðr's succeeding sons, the Benedictine priory of St Bees continued to receive royal grants of Manx lands. The Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr gave lands at Myroscough to the Cistercian abbey of Rievaulx in England. The chronicle also notes that a monastery was constructed on these lands, and that the lands eventually passed into the possession of the abbey of St Mary of Rushen. Guðrøðr also granted certain commercial rights and protections to the monks of the monastery of Holm Cultram, another Cistercian house in England.

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Guðrøðr's kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles. Little is known of its early history, although its origins may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium. Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr Crovan's reign in the Isles. Before the mid point of the twelfth century, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom, and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York. Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. In 1152, steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm. As a result of Óláfr's inability to have an ecclesiast of his own choice formally consecrated as bishop, and his own refusal to accept one favoured by the Archbishop of York, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin's ecclesiastical ascendancy. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of its own, Óláfr's diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's increasing authority. Moreover, in 1152, David 1 attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews.

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles. Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano (died 1159), a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy's authority into the northern European periphery. Eventually the newly created Norwegian province—the Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses within and outwith mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles, officially incorporated within the province in November 1154. Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin. The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power. In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.

Despite the ecclesiastical reorientation, the next Bishop of the Isles known from Manx sources was consecrated by Roger de Pont l'Evêque, Archbishop of York (died 1181). This bishop, an Englishman named Gamaliel, may have been consecrated between October 1154 and early 1155, possibly before news of the diocesesan realignment reached the Isles. Although it is possible that Gamaliel was consecrated without Guðrøðr's approval, the bishop appears to have witnessed at least one of the latter's charters. The fact that Gamaliel was buried in Peterborough could suggest that he was removed from his see at some point.

The next known bishop was Reginald (died c.1170), a Norwegian who witnessed the bitter struggles between Guðrøðr and Somairle, and who seems to have died in about 1170. It is possible that Reginald was consecrated in Norway in 1153/1154, and that the York-backed Gamaliel was compelled to resign the see to him. Reginald is the first Bishop of the Isles to be attested by the Icelandic Annals, which could indicate that he was the first such bishop to recognise the authority of Niðaróss. Either Gamaliel or Reginald could have been the unnamed Bishop of the Isles who is stated by Robert's Chronica to have met with William 1, King of Scotland and Henry 2 at Mont St Michel. Robert's account of the meeting indicates that the kings of the Isles were obligated to render tribute to newly crowned kings of Norway. It is possible that Reginald followed Guðrøðr into exile after the latter's defeat to Somairle. Reginald's successor was Cristinus, an Argyllman who appears to have been appointed by either Somairle or his descendants. The fact that Cristinus did not receive acknowledgement from the Archbishop of Niðaróss could be evidence that Reginald remained in Norway. The apparent antipathy between Guðrøðr and Cristinus may be evidenced by the fact that it was Silvanus, Abbot of Rievaulx — and not Cristinus — who conducted the marriage ceremony of Guðrøðr and Findguala during Vivian's visit in 1176.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr had 4 children: Affrica, Ragnvaldr, Ívarr, and Óláfr svarti (died 1237). Although the chronicle specifically states that Findguala was Óláfr svarti's mother, and that he had been born before his parent's formalised marriage, the mothers of the other three children are unknown or uncertain. According to the anonymous praise-poem Baile suthach síth Emhna, Ragnvaldr's mother was Sadb, an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been a wife or concubine of Guðrøðr. As for Ívarr, nothing further is recorded of him, although it is possible that his mother was also the product of an uncanonical liaison. There may be evidence to suggest that Guðrøðr had another son, Ruaidrí (fl. 1188-1190), who appears in a royal charter recorded as Ragnvaldr's brother (Rotherico, fratre meo).

Guðrøðr died on 10 November 1187 on St Patrick's Isle. The following year, he was finally laid to rest on Iona, an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel. Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century. The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr. Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable. Whatever the case, upon Guðrøðr's death the chronicle claims that he left instructions for his younger son, Óláfr svarti, to succeed to the kingship since he had been born in lawful wedlock.

On one hand, this record could be evidence that Guðrøðr continued to advance the institution of kingship in the Isles. For example, this episode appears to be the earliest record of a ruling member of the Crovan dynasty designating a royal successor. If so, such an arrangement may have been borne out of Guðrøðr's own bitter difficulties with rival claimants to the throne.

On the other hand, it is uncertain if the chronicle has preserved an accurate account of events, as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Ragnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr svarti, who was only a child at the time, Ragnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king. One possibility is that Guðrøðr may have intended for Ragnvaldr to temporarily rule as a lieutenant of sorts until Óláfr svarti was able to hold sway himself. Although Ragnvaldr appears to have later forged an alliance with the Meic Somairle, and may have temporarily reunited the entire Kingdom of the Isles under his own leadership, he was later opposed by Óláfr svarti, and the ensuing violent conflict between Guðrøðr's descendants carried on to further generations.

Family/Spouse: Findguala Nic Lochlainn. Findguala (daughter of Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn) was born about 1150 in Ulster, Nord-Irland; died about 1187. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]