Zinow Genealogy Website
The history of the Norwegian Zinow family, and their connected families of Lorentzen, Hugaas, Schøyen, Møller, Skrogstad, Høyem, Reitan, Brinchmann, Sværen, Harbo, Bernhoft, Hiorth, Linge, Tjomsaas, Cudrio, Borlaug, Husabø, Børsheim, Coucheron, Irgens etc. ...and for our beautiful long-haired dachshund; Tina
Notes
Matches 12,801 to 12,850 of 16,209
| # | Notes | Linked to |
|---|---|---|
| 12801 | Odalen Lutheran Cemetery. | Nygard, Johnny (I10304)
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| 12802 | Odals verk. | Hoffmann, Jacob Ludvig (I468)
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| 12803 | Odals Værk ble startet som en industrivirksomhet på slutten av 1600-tallet da Lars Robsahm fant jernmalm i grunnen på Valstad gård, der Odals Værk ligger i dag, og utnyttet fossekraften for å drive jernverk med stangjernshammer. Vassdraget fra åsryggen mot Kongsvinger i nord ble demmet opp for å magasinere vann til å drive vannhjulene på Værket. Resultatet av oppdemningene er Fløyta, Valsjøen og Gjøralsjøen, samt flere mindre tjern i vassdraget. Jernverksdriften ble videreført med vekslende hell av Claus Johansen Stenkull, som blant annet fikk bygd flere av de store steindemningene i vassdraget. Ei ovnsplate fra Brandval i Kongsvinger har inskripsjonen - Odals Verk 1704 - innstøpt, så det må ha vært prøvedrift allerede noen år før Klas Johansen Steinkull kjøpte garden Vallstad med Odalens jernverk 8. mai 1708. Steinkull var den drivende kraft for at jernverket kom i gang og i perioden 1710 til 1717 var det en del produksjon på Verket, men etter dette gikk det dårligere, og driften hadde fullstendig stoppa opp i 1723. Værket hadde til å begynne med en rekke driftsproblemer, bla annet fordi malmen fra gruvene på skogen var tungsmeltelig, i motsetning til den senere brukte malmen fra Storsjøen og myrene. Den første og største hindringa for å få verket i gang igjen var oppgitt å være at Faas-malmen medfører saadan strænghed, u-art og vanskelighed at den paa ingen maade har villet lade sig i Masofnen forsmelte. Fossgruva på Kirkhus i Kongsvinger, Sæteråsgruva på Sæter i Kongsvinger og Grimslandsgruva på Verket var de første gruvene i drift, og alle tre var i drift så tidlig som i 1707. Malmgangen i Fossgruva gikk i retning fra nordvest til sørøst og fortsatte i dagen omtrent 200 lakter. Langs denne strekninga var den avsenka elleve steder. På et av disse stedene lå et stort malmbrudd; Storgruva. Denne gangen hadde stor og ren malm. Fossgruva var utvilsomt den mest betydningsfulle gruva i jernverkets første driftsperiode. I 1732 kom 91 % av malmen ved verket fra dette skurvet. 9 % av malmen kom fra Sætergruva. Grimslandsgruva og Svarttjennsskurvet på Verket ga veldig lite og dårlig malm. Malmvegen fra Kirkhus sørover til Odals Verk var omtrent to mil lang og gikk over skogen. Deler av veien er fortsatt synlig i dag. Klas Steinkull døde i 1737 og ble begravet under koret i den gamle kirka i Strøm. I den siste tida hadde jernverksdrifta ligget nede i flere år. Verket fikk ny eier, men de gamle husene og innretningene hadde i 1739 stått lenge uten vedlikehold. Taket på bolighuset hadde forfalt, og huset var ødelagt mange steder. All innredningen var borte, og en vegg var hogd vekk. Den femlaftede arbeiderboligen var helt ødelagt. Det lå store steiner i de to østre værelsene, mens de to andre så ut til å ha vært brukt som fjøs. Huset like sør for dette var uten innredning og hadde forfalt. I masovnen måtte nye bjelker settes inn. Masovnpipa var i temmelig god stand, men trengte små reparasjoner. Masovnkammerset var råtnet. Av hjulhuset var bare noen få omfar igjen. Hjula var ødelagt, og alt jernet var hogd vekk. I hammerhytta var begge essene ødelagt, og av bygningen var det nesten ingenting igjen. Av de to blåsehjula og hammerhjulet var det bare noen råtne resten igjen. Proviantbua var ødelagt og borte. I kvernhuset var bare de delvis råtne veggene igjen. Saga var det bare noen råtne stokker igjen av. Alle rennene fra hoveddammen var borte. Hoveddammen hadde forfalt og måtte bygges opp igjen. Skådammen og hammerdammen var like ille. To masovnbelger av tre, et støpt smiested og en hammer var oppbevart på Oppi like ved. De nye eierne begynte straks å bygge opp jernverket igjen. Likevel fikk de ikke i gang regelmessig drift. Pengemangel og lave vannstander ved dammene ga problemer for arbeidet. Jernverket fikk en ny start i 1739 takket være økonomiske oppgangstider og statlige privilegier. Privilegiene innebar at Odals Verk kunne pålegge bøndene innafor et område med en radius på fire mil, kalt sirkumferensen, å bringe trekull mot rimelig betaling, og at de skulle frakte varer til og fra verket. Bøndenes plikt til å levere kull til Verket var i perioder en kilde til sterk konflikt mellom bøndene og øvrigheten. Ingen sagbruk i dette området kunne produsere trelast annet enn til eget bruk. I prestegardenes og kronens skoger, innafor sirkumferensen, kunne jernverket fritt hogge tømmer til eget forbruk. Alle strømmer og fosser i sirkumferensen hadde jernverket førsterett til å bruke. I tillegg skulle verket slippe toll og skatter, og arbeiderne skulle slippe militærtjeneste. I 1737 ble det oppdaga en god og bløt malmgang på Spetalen i Kongsvinger. Malmgangen gikk i retning fra sør til nord og lå åpent på fire steder. På det første stedet var det et skurv som var 1 lakter bred og 200 alner lang. Gruvene på Kirkhus var i bruk igjen i 1739 under navnet Ramsøygruvene. Gruva ved Svarttjennet ble også tatt opp igjen. Kilde: http://www.odalsverk.no/historien.php | Johansen Stenkuhl, Claus (I15334)
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| 12804 | Odd Fellows Memorial Park and Mausoleum. | Olson, Marjorie H. "Collins" (I15075)
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| 12805 | Odd Fellows Memorial Park and Mausoleum. | Collins, John J. (I15076)
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| 12806 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I22770)
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| 12807 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I5136)
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| 12808 | Odd Sverressøn Klingenberg, norsk politiker, høyesterettsadvokat 1902, fylkesmann i Sør-Trøndelag 1921–1940. Stortingsrepresentant (H) 1906–1909 og 1919–1924, sosialminister i Halvorsens første regjering 1920–1921 og i Halvorsens og Berges regjering 1923–1924. Odd Sverressøn Klingenberg (født 8.juni 1871 i Trondhjem, død 3.november 1944 i Trondheim) var en norsk høyesterettsadvokat og politiker (H). Han var innvalgt på Stortinget fra Trondhjem og Levanger 1907–1909 og 1919–1924 samt sosialminister 1920–1921 og 1923–1924. Klingenberg var dessuten Trondhjems ordfører 1911–1916 og fylkesmann i Sør-Trøndelag 1921–1940. Han markerte seg som en svært progressiv sosialpolitiker, og gikk i bresjen for 8-timers arbeidsdag, sosial boligbygging, utbyttedeling, valgreform og et moderne trygdesystem basert på skatt. Klingenberg fikk også flertall på Stortinget for sitt forslag om folkepensjon i 1923, men innføringen av denne ble utsatt til 1936 grunnet depresjonen. Ifølge Olaus Schmidt var Klingenbergs personlighet preget av trygghet og sinnsro. Han ble født som sønn av overrettssakfører Sverre Olafssøn Klingenberg (1844–1913) og Hilda Johannesdatter (1843–1912). Han var dermed av en relativt velstående familie med jurister i flere slektsledd. Odd Klingenbergs søsken var høyesterettsadvokat Olaf Klingenberg, bygningsingeniør Sverre Klingenberg, topograf Kaare Klingenberg, Roar Klingenberg, Hedin Klingenberg og Hilda Klingenberg. Han var forøvrig sønnesønn av fogd Olaf Hannibal Sommerfeldt Klingenberg, grandnevø av major Johannes Benedictus Klingenberg, samt nevø av generalmajor Trygve Olafssøn Klingenberg. Klingenberg-slekten stammer fra Lolland i Danmark, og kom til Norge med Andreas Clausen Klingenberg (død 1688), som var magasinforvalter på Munkholmen. Fra det store og høytliggende sommerstedet Klingenberg, reist i italiensk villastil i 1850, var det flott utsikt over Lademoen, Lade og Trondheimsfjorden. Odd Klingenberg er begravet ved Nidarosdomen i Trondheim. Odd Klingenberg ble gift med Hulda Johannessen den 30.april 1896, og de ble etterhvert foreldre til Leif Klingenberg (født 1897), Synnøve Klingenberg (født 1899) og Svein Klingenberg (født 1917). Han tok examen artium ved Trondhjems katedralskole i 1889 og tok examen philosophicum like etter. Han begynte å studere musikk, men byttet til studier i rettsvitenskap etter et halvt år med tvil, og var cand.jur. fra 1894. Han tok så advokaturen i 1902. Klingenberg var overrettssakfører og fullmektig i farens firma i Trondhjem fra 1894, hvor han senere var kompanjong fra 1899 og høyesterettsadvokat fra 1902. Klingenberg var også aktor i meddomsretten. Klingenberg var senere fylkesmann i Sør-Trøndelag fra 18.november 1921 til 6.mars 1923 og igjen fra 25.juli 1924 til 1940, altså med permisjon i tiden han var sosialminister 1923–1924. Viktige saker i Klingenbergs tid som fylkesmann var utbedring av sykehusforhold, kommunal gjeld, samferdsel og næringslivets rammevilkår. Klingenberg innehadde dessuten en rekke offentlige verv, og var styremedlem i en rekke betydelige industriforetak og bedrifter. Han var blant annet formann i direksjonen i Trondhjems Sparebank, medlem av Trondhjems Sparebanks kontrollkomité, medlem av representantskapet i Trondhjems Privatbank, medlem av direksjonen i Trondhjems Adresseavis, styremedlem i E. C. Dahls bryggeri og styremedlem i Salvesen & Thams Communikations Aktieselskap. Av offentlige verv kan nevnes styreformann i Aldershjem for sjøfolk i Trondhjem, medlem av direksjonen i Thamshavnbanen, medlem av Matrikkelkommisjonen av 1910, medlem av komiteen som utarbeidet bestemmelser om det vitenskapelige forskningsfond av 1919, formann i Sosialdepartementets boligutvalg av 1923, formann i Sykeforsikringskomiteen av 1927 samt formann i Trafikkrådkomiteen av 1934. Han skrev forøvrig en rekke artikler og avhandlinger om ulike sosiale spørsmål, alderstrygd, sykeforsikring og tvungen voldgift i arbeidstvister. Klingenberg var medlem av Trondhjem bystyre, hvor han var varaordfører 1904–1906 og ordfører 1911–1916. Han var også formann i Trondhjems konservative forening (senere Trondheim Høyre) 1899–1903, og var medlem av Høyres sentralstyre 1908–1911. Han var innvalgt på Stortinget fra Trondhjem og Levanger, 2. krets Kalvskindet 1907–1909, og var da tilsluttet Samlingspartiet. Klingenberg var senere innvalgt som Høyre-representant fra 1. krets Bratøren og Ilen 1919–1921 og fra Trondhjem og Levanger som storkrets 1922–1924. Han var medlem av Stortingets sosialkomité 1907–1909, hvor han var formann 1919–1923, og av Stortingets fullmaktskomité 1919–1920. Klingenberg var statsråd i Sosialdepartementet i Otto B. Halvorsens første regjering fra 21.juni 1920 til 21.juni 1921, og igjen i Otto B. Halvorsens andre regjering og Abraham Berges regjering fra 6.mars 1923 til 25.juli 1924. Han var også fungerende statsråd i Justis- og politidepartementet fra 24. til 29.mars 1923. Klingenberg var egentlig favoritt til å ta over som statsminister for Høyre etter Otto B. Halvorsens død i 1923, men ble vraket av eget parti til fordel for Abraham Berge fra Frisinnede Venstre. Den svært progressive sosialministeren Klingenberg, som også var partiets sosialpolitiske talsmann, hadde lenge drevet norske næringslivstopper til randen av raseri idet han ofte plasserte Høyre til venstre for koalisjonspartneren Frisinnede Venstre med sin reformlinje. Han møtte også motstand fra Høyre-folk utenfor byene, især på Vestlandet. Med Halvorsen død og Klingenberg på sidelinjen kom kravet om sparepolitikk til uttrykk gjennom Berge, og senere Ivar Lykke, som statsministre. I likhet med de øvrige statsrådene i Abraham Berges regjering, ble Klingenberg stilt for riksrett 1926–1927, men ble frifunnet sammen med resten den 25.mars 1927. Saken var fra 1923 og gjaldt tildelelse av bevilgninger til Den norske Handelsbank uten å informere Stortinget, men alle ble frikjent (under dissens) ut ifra at de hadde handlet i beste mening. Klingenberg ble i 1921 utnevnt til kommandør med stjerne av St. Olavs Orden for statsborgerlig og embedsfortjeneste. Han ble også tildelt Kroningsmedaljen 1906. Klingenberg mottok storkors av Nordstjerneordenen og var ridder av den portugisiske Kristusordenen. Stortingskomiteer: 1922–1923 formann i Sosialkomiteen. 1919–1921 formann i Sosialkomiteen. 1919–1920 medlem i Fullmaktskomiteen. 1907–1909 medlem i Sosialkomiteen. | Klingenberg, Odd (I13804)
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| 12809 | Odda. | Bennett, Evelyn "Høy" (I9839)
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| 12810 | Oddvar var formann i Kunstnerforeningen fra 1997 til 2005, senere et meget aktivt æresmedlem. Kunstnerforeningen ble stiftet i 1860 av Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson og har som oppgave å stimulere til kunstnerisk innsats og påskjønne fortjente kunstnere. Oddvar var meget aktiv i dette arbeidet. I sitt hjerte var han først og fremst komponist med en allsidig og lekende begavelse. Han var også en sjelden kombinasjon av ryddig jurist og skapende kunstner. Som jurist var han utdannet i Oslo og New York. Han var ansatt i Justisdepartementet og medlem av opphavsrettsutvalg til revisjon av åndsverkloven og satt flere år i Kulturdepartementets sakkyndige råd for åndsverk. komponist med sentrale verv i kulturlivet at Oddvar var aller mest synlig. Han studerte klaver ved Musikkonservatoriet og komposisjon med David Monrad Johansen. Gjennombruddet kom i 1966, da han vant 1. premie i en konkurranse med et verk for mannskor og orkester. Han vant senere flere priser for sine verker. Oddvar skrev klaver- og kammermusikalske verker, bl.a. fire strykekvartetter, men også for stort orkester. Det ble symfonier og en opera, Den 13. time, som er oppført av Den Norske Opera. Da Oslo Konserthus åpnet, ble hans verker Prolog og Opening prisbelønnet, sistnevnte åpnet Oslo-Filharmoniens innvielseskonsert. Oddvar S. Kvams posisjoner i kulturlivet var mange. Han var formann i Filharmonisk Selskaps styre, Foreningen Norske Kordirigenter og Komponistenes Vederlagsfond, president i Ny musikk, medlem av Statens kunstnerstipendkomité, leder i Norsk kulturråd og i TONOs styre og formann og styremedlem i Kunst i skolen. | Kvam, Oddvar Schirmer (I16002)
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| 12811 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18061)
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| 12812 | Odin bodde fortsatt på prost Holtermans gård på Øya da han døde av lungebrand. År 1878 d.17.Oct. afholdtes Lærermøde ved Trondh.Borgelige Realskole hvori besluttedes at Udgifterne ved afdøde Lærer O.Nielsens Begravelse bestrides af Realskolens Sygekasse. | Nielsen, Odin Severin (I5298)
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| 12813 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I12410)
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| 12814 | Offentliggjort i Morgenbladet 1.juli 1882: Ingeniør Lauritz Hoff, skatteklasse 3, antatt formue 12.000, byskatt 104, fattigskatt 64. | Hoff, Lauritz Elfred (I1760)
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| 12815 | Offentliggjort i Morgenbladet 20.juni 1879: Ingeniør Lauritz Hoff, skatteklasse 3, antatt formue 12.000, byskatt 82, fattigskatt 51. | Hoff, Lauritz Elfred (I1760)
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| 12816 | Offuer Vel-Ædle / meget Hæderlige / Dydefulde oc Gudfryctige Matrone Inger Olufs-Daatter Worm Salig H. Jens Schielderops. Da hendis Liig medChristelig Ceremonier i en Anseelig oc Folckrig Forsamling / sørgeligen bleff nedsat udi sit Soffve-Kammer udi Dom-Kircken i Bergen den 15 May 1677.Forklaret aff Niels Randulff Biscop offver Bergens Stifft. Kiøbenhaffb, 1680. Finnes på Riksarkivet i Oslo. | Olsdatter Worm, Inger "Schjelderup" (I1890)
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| 12817 | Ofoten | Hugaas, August Einar Georg (I2519)
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| 12818 | Ofoten | Hugaas, August Einar Georg (I2519)
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| 12819 | Og blev begraven den 4de Octbr. 1717. Liiged blev hensadt i Friderichshalds Kirke gaard i det Vestre hiørne under Kirken. | Mortensen Wærn, Mads (I15164)
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| 12820 | Ogs? i 1701 ble det holdt en slags folketelling, men fordi den bare omfattet menn, kalles den gjerne manntall. Befolkningen i byene og i Finnmark ble heller ikke registrert der. Dette manntallet er dessverre ikke fullstendig, det mangler for nesten hele ?st- og S?rlandet. Det ble opptatt etter en kongelig resolusjon av 26. juli 1701, og fra Rentekammeret i K?benhavn ble det sendt ut en modell for hvordan manntallet skulle innrettes. Det var fogd, sorenskriver og prest i det enkelte distrikt som skulle st? ansvarlig for manntallsf?ringen. I manntallene finner vi navn, alder og stand eller yrke for alle gutter og menn knyttet til g?rd, husmannsplass, bergverk og lignende. Ut fra det bevarte materialet anslo Tallak Lindst?l i 1887 at det samlede folketallet i 1701 m? ha v?rt rundt 504 000. I listen fra Alstahaug prestegjeld i 1701, i "Sognepr?stens Gaard", finner vi Hr. Petter Dass, 54 ?r. Hans kone er naturligvis ikke nevnt, men s?nnen Anders Dass st?r oppf?rt som "Studios nu i Ki?benhafn". I tillegg var ni mannlige tjenere listef?rt med navn og alder. Petter Dass finner vi igjen bakerst i manntallet hvor han signerte det sammen med fogden og sorenskriveren. | Source (S52)
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| 12821 | Også i 1946 tok Lyn hjem pokalen, og Marlow var en av mestrene, selv om han denne gangen overlot til andre å sette ballen i mål. Lyn vant 3-2 på Ullevaal; igjen var det Fredrikstad som måtte luske slukøret av banen. 13.oktober 1946: Lyn Fredrikstad 3-2 etter ekstraomganger. Lyn - Fredrikstad 3-2 (1-1) aet Ullevaal stadion Att: 35 000 Goals: Knut Osnes, Arne Brustad, Lloyd Pettersen, Lyn, Arne Ileby, Knut Brynildsen, Fredrikstad. Referee: Sverre Hermansen, Fjellkameratene. Lyn: Tom Blohm, Eugen Hansen, Øivind Holmsen, Eilert Eilertsen, Kristian Henriksen, Adalbert Kjellberg, Marlow Bråthen, Lloyd Pettersen, Knut Osnes, Harry Boye Karlsen, Arne Brustad. | Braathen, Hans Marlow (I2702)
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| 12822 | Også i Hans Taraldsens tid ble prestegården utsatt for ødeleggelse. I 1664 kom skred og flom over gården, og storm tok hustakene. Heller ikke denne gangen ble husene flyttet. Sokneprest Hans Taraldsen greide å få bygdefolket med til å reise opp igjen husene på prestegården etter at en storm hadde herjet der. Prestebolet utenom Malmanger prestegård var: Om: skyld 3 lauper smør Hjelmeland: skyld 2 lauper smør, 2 huder Sæberg: skyld 1/2 laup smør Nes: skyld 1 laup smør Omvik: skyld 1 pund smør, 1 hud Bakka: skyld 1 laup smør, 1 hud Josnes skyld 1/2 laup smør, 1/2 hud Musland: skyld 1 laup smør, 1 hud Kaldestad: skyld 2 lauper smør, 2 huder Røyrvik: skyld 1 laup smør, 2 huder Opsanger: skyld 1 laup smør, 1/2 hud Helland: skyld 1/2 laup smør, 1 hud Presthus: skyld 2 lauper smør, 2 huder Nerhus: skyld 1 laup smør Øvrehus: skyld 1 laup smør Hamarhaug skyld 1 laup smør Ved skiftet etter Hans i 1668 var det 2 hester, 22 kalver og ungdyr, 26 sauer, en liknende flokk med geiter og 6 griser på prestegården. | Taraldsen, Hans (I1878)
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| 12823 | Også nevnt død 1616 i noen kilder. | Danielsen Bildt, Knut (I3345)
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| 12824 | Også nevnt død 1630. | Romelsdatter Brun, Sissel (Sidselle) "Bildt" (I4806)
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| 12825 | Også nevnt som angelmager i borgerkompaniene under Frue kirkes sogn i årene 1782 (3.kompani) og 1788 (2.kompani). Angelmager: Håndverker som laget artikler av metalltråd f.eks. fiskekroker. På 1800-tallet var fiskekroken et produkt som ble framstilt av jern. Det vanlige var at bygdesmedene eller fiskerne lagde krokene selv, eller at de ble laget i byene av håndverkere som hadde spesialisert seg på å lage fiskekroker. Disse håndverkerne ble kalt nålmakere på Østlandet og angelmakere på Vestlandet, i Midt-Norge og i Nord-Norge. | Nielsen Moss, Christopher (I2230)
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| 12826 | Også registrert denne: Karl F Zinow. New York, New York Passenger and Crew Lists, 1909. Name: Karl F Zinow Event Type: Immigration Event Date: 1956 Event Place: New York City, New York, United States Ship Name: 3027 K Affiliate Publication Title: Passenger and Crew Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, NY, 1897-1957. Affiliate Publication Number: T715. Affiliate Film Number: 8777. GS Film number: 002322222. Digital Folder Number: 007266753. Image Number: 00796. | Zinow, Karl Fredrik (I445)
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| 12827 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I21856)
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| 12828 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I1028)
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| 12829 | Ola Aasmundsen Berget giftet seg med Ingeborg Andersdatter på Slungård i november 1725. Han fikk skjøte på Slungård av Ingeborgs fetter Kristoffer Pedersen Slungård den 23.oktober 1725. Kristoffer Pedersen Slungård var født 1657, trolig på Skatval. Gravlagt 15.desember 1737. Han tjente på Børstad i ungdommen, før han bygslet Slungård 1 øre 6 marklag av major Johan C. Rasbeck på Reppe 14.august 1705. Kristoffer fikk skjøte 16 marklag av Rasbecks enke 12.desember 1709. Men, søstersønnene til selger, Ingebrigt Sorte og Peder Bergsnes, protesterte fordi de trodde de var nærmere slektninger av selgeren enn kona til kjøperen. Salget ble stadfestet ved dom i 1740, og Ola var eier av 16 3/4 marklag. Sønnen Kristoffer fikk skjøte av mor Ingeborg på 15 marklag og av sin bror Ola Geving på 17 1/2 marklag den 27.august 1774. | Aasmundsen Berget, Ole "Slungaard" (I4049)
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| 12830 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18216)
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| 12831 | Ola fikk en sønn Arnt med Kari Pedersdatter Kvål. Publicert absolution i kirka 6.juni 17??. | Olsen, Arnt (I4053)
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| 12832 | Ola Jonsson Sørum døde i 1665. Skiftet etter ham ble åpnet 4.mai 1665, og da det ble avsluttet i 1674, var 6 av barna i live. Eldste sønn Jon var bruker på Sjørvoll, og yngste sønn Anders på Bjørnstad, mens Tron ble oppsitter på Sørum. Ola Jonsson hadde før sin død ervervet 1/2-del (20 lispund) av nabogården Vestre Sørum, og denne arvet sønnen Anders Olsen Bjørnstad. | Jonsen Sørum, Ole (Oluf) (I11528)
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| 12833 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18174)
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| 12834 | Ola skal ha druknet 46 år gammel i Skogså. | Nirisen Gjuvstul, Ole "Øverland" (I18137)
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| 12835 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I591)
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| 12836 | Ola Taraldsen var gift og myndig ved skiftet etter Jon Olsen Dale i 1699. Ola solgte på denne tid 1/4 i Gjerdalsstaulen til Gjermund Trulsen Gaustad. I 1712 solgte Ola, sammen med Ola Jonsen nedre Dale, Turifet til Leiulv Leiulvsen Våer. Samme året fikk Ola kvittering fra søsknene sine for det de arvet etter Jon Olsen Dale og kona Liv. De fikk dessuten arv etter 2 av brødrene, Torgeir og Sigurd, som var døde. Ola satt med gården i 1715, men i 1723 er trolig Ola død, for skylden er byttet mellom Alv Gunnulvsen (gift med enken etter Ola) og Jon Olsen med 1,5 tønne hver. Det ser ut som gården er byttet mellom disse 2, for i 1730 er det sagt at på skyldparten til Alv og Guro, kunne de fø 6 storfe og 8 småfe og så 2 tønner og høste 9 tønner. På Jon og hustruen Helges part fødde de 1 hest, 7 storfe og 7 småfe. I skiftet etter Guro Jonsdatter i 1733 fikk enkemannen og disse barna arv: Jon Alvsen, Tarald, Ola, Liv (gift med Tov Høljesen Rollag), Birgit (gift med enkemann Torstein Torsteinsen Tveito) og Astrid (gift med Jon Persen). Jordegods 1,5 tønne som Guro arvet etter Ola i 1717. | Taraldsen Tråer, Ole "Døle" / "Dale" (I18042)
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| 12837 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18217)
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| 12838 | Ola Torbjørnsen kalte seg - Dale - i 1788 når han giftet seg med Aslaug. Ola og Aslaug kan ha vært søskenbarn. Det står om dette folket på plassen Kilen under Viken: Kjerringa i Kilen hadde til vis å fare rundt i grenda og be om mat til jol. Dei kjende henne så vel i Viken. Der kjem Kila, sa dei, når ho kom uttantil. Ola Kilen kalla dei Kilemann. Aslaug kom ein gong i Viken med Liv heldt på å kinne. Ho ville kjøpe smør, men Liv svara dei ikkje hadde råd med det. Aslaug gjekk, men ho fekk arbeid, Liv. Ho visste ikkje si arme råd for å få smør. Årsdagen etter kom Aslaug inn i Viken, just som Liv sat og kinna. Så var det ikkje lenge før ho barma seg for Aslaug over at det skulle vere så seigkinna. Ta hit kinna, lat meg prøve, sa Aslaug. Ho tok berre nokre drag, så var det smør. Den dagen reiste Aslaug med heile kinnerøra, og sidan var det ingen sak å få smør. Under folketellingen i 1801 bor enke og husmoder Asloug Kittilsdatter, 40 år, på Kiilen og Lever af pladsen. Hennes 3 sønner Gunlek, 14 år, Anun, 12 år, og Tow, 8 år, bor sammen med henne. | Torbjørnsen Wiig, Ole "Dale" / "Kilen" (I18239)
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| 12839 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18074)
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| 12840 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18398)
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| 12841 | Ola Tveiten er nevnt som kirkeverge for Tuddal kirke i 1570-årene. Dette er trolig samme Ola som er nevnt i en arvesak om Åsen i 1680-årene. I sine velmaktsdager eide Ola 1 tønne i Nord-Gvåle, Rue i Nordbygda og noe i Åsen. Hovedarvingene skal ha vært Alf, Tore og Dyre. Ola Toresen er nevnt i brukerlistene 1593-1594. Var trolig far til Gunleik (senere bruker av Åsen) og Astri (gift med Knut Arnesen). Ola er nevnt som eier av Tveiten i 1624-1626, men opplysningene i denne jordeboken er ikke sjelden foreldet. Han døde nok sist i 1590-årene, for han er omtalt som - salig - i et dokument fra denne tiden. | Toresen Tveiten, Ole "Åsen" (I18098)
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| 12842 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18208)
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| 12843 | Olaf 1 Bitling the Red was the last born child of Godred Crovan (Orry). To be the youngest is not necessarily to be a dwarf. Óláfr Guðrøðarson (died 29 June 1153) was a twelfth-century King of the Isles. As a younger son of Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles, Óláfr witnessed a vicious power struggle between his elder brothers in the aftermath of their father's death. At some point, the young Óláfr was entrusted to the care of Henry 1, King of England, and like the contemporaneous Scottish monarchs, Alexander 1 and David 1, Óláfr appears to have been a protégé of the English king. As King of the Isles, Óláfr contracted marital alliances with neighbouring maritime rulers. Although he appears to have overseen successful military operations to reclaim the northern-most territories once controlled by his father, he may have witnessed the loss of authority in Galloway as well. Like his counterpart David 1, Óláfr was a reformer and moderniser of his realm. However, his four-decade reign ended in abrupt disaster when he was assassinated by 3 nephews in 1153. Following the ensuing power struggle, Óláfr's son Guðrøðr overcame the kin-slayers, and assumed the kingship of the Kingdom of the Isles. The Isles—an archipelagic region roughly incorporating the Hebrides and Mann—was ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan for over 2 decades until his death in 1095, whereupon his eldest son Logmaðr assumed control. Warring soon broke out between factions supporting Logmaðr's younger brother Haraldr, which led to the intervention and encroachment of Irish power into the region. After a short period of Irish domination, the region lapsed into further conflict which was capitalised on by Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway, who led two military campaigns throughout the Isles and surrounding Irish Sea region at about the turn of the twelfth century. Magnús dominated these regions until his death in 1103, whereupon control of the Isles appears to have fragmented into chaos once again. Rather than allow ambitious Irish powers fill the power vacuum, Henry 1 appears to have installed Óláfr on the throne at some point between 1112 and 1115, about the time that Domnall mac Taidc relocated from the Isles to Ireland. Óláfr is recorded to have spent his youth at Henry 1's court, and Óláfr's later religious foundations reveal that he was greatly influenced by his English upbringing. In the second quarter of the eleventh century, Óláfr founded the abbey of St Mary of Rushen, a reformed religious house on Mann. He further oversaw the formation of the Diocese of the Isles, the territorial extent of which appears to reveal the boundaries of his realm. Óláfr is recorded to have had at least two wives: Ingibjørg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney; and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. The unions seem to reveal that Óláfr shifted from an alliance with Orkney to that with Galloway. Not long after his marriage to Affraic, one of Óláfr's daughters married Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, an emerging power in the region. Although Óláfr's reign is recorded to have been peaceful, there is reason to suspect that his own succession was uncertain. In 1152, Guðrøðr travelled to Norway and rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway. At about this time, the Diocese of the Isles was incorporated within the recently elevated Archdiocese of Niðaróss. Whilst this strengthened Norwegian links with the Isles, it secured the ecclesiastical independence of Óláfr's domain, and safeguard his secular authority in the region. Nevertheless before Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, three sons of Haraldr confronted Óláfr, and demanded a share of the kingdom before slaying him. Although the three men appear to have taken significant steps to counter military intervention from Galloway, they were soon after crushed by Guðrøðr, who returned to the region enstrengthened by Norwegian military might. Óláfr's descendants went on to reign as kings of the Isles for over a century. Óláfr was a member of the Crovan dynasty, and 1 of 3 sons of this family's eponymous ancestor, Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1095). The latter appears to have secured the kingship of the Isles in the late 1070s, and to have seized the kingship of Dublin in the early 1090s. Guðrøðr Crovan's downfall came in 1094 when he was forced from Ireland altogether by Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster (died 1119). There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr Crovan was driven from Mann as well, since he is recorded to have died on Islay the following year. According to the thirteenth–fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr Crovan's eldest son, Logmaðr, succeeded to the kingship of the Isles. The chronicle further reveals that Logmaðr faced opposition from within his own family in the form of a rebellion by his brother, Haraldr. Logmaðr eventually overcame Haraldr, however, and is stated to have had him blinded and emasculated. Afterwards, Logmaðr appears to have faced further opposition in the form of a faction supporting his youngest brother, Óláfr. Apparently unable to overthrow Logmaðr on their own, the dissidents turned to Muirchertach, whose recent conquest of Dublin gave him control of that realm's dominating naval forces. If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's supporters petitioned Muirchertach to provide a regent from his own kin—the Uí Briain—to govern the Isles until Óláfr was old enough to assume control himself. Such a clause may well have been a condition of Muirchertach's involvement, rather than a request. Nevertheless, the chronicle indicates that Muirchertach installed his nephew, Domnall mac Taidc (died 1115), upon the throne. Although Domnall had previously opposed Muirchertach over the kingship of Munster, he was the son of Muirchertach's brother, and further possessed strong familial connections with the Isles through his maternal descent from Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1064/1065). Regardless, the death of Domnall's brother, Amlaíb, recorded by the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters in 1096, suggests that Domnall and the rest of the Meic Taidc faced significant opposition in the Isles, possibly in the form of Logmaðr's adherents. Domnall's reign appears to have been brief. The chronicle's account of warfare on the island in about 1097–1098 fails to mention him at all, a fact which seems to be evidence that he had lost control by then. Probably late in 1097, Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) turned his attention towards the Isles, and sent a certain Ingimundr into the region to take control on his behalf. Unfortunately for Magnús, Ingimundr was soon after slain on Lewis and Harris by leading Islesmen. The following year Magnús took matters into his own hands, and led an invasion-fleet of his into the area. As the invaders successfully carved their way through the Isles towards Mann, Logmaðr was evidently overcome and captured. From Mann, the Norwegians campaigned against the English in Anglesey. Although Magnúss saga berfœtts, within the thirteenth century Heimskringla, places this particular episode in the context of Norwegian conquest, it is likely that Magnús had merely assumed the same protector role that Óláfr's father had once filled with Gruffudd ap Cynan, King of Gwynedd (died 1137). Magnús gained the submission of Galloway, and may have consolidated his campaign through a treaty with Edgar, King of Scotland (died 1107). Magnús overwintered in the Isles, and left for Norway in the summer. He made his return to the region, nearly four years later, in 1102 or 1103. After reestablishing himself on Mann, Magnús entered into an marital alliance with Muirchertach formalised through the marriage between Magnús's young son, Sigurðr (died 1130), and Muirchertach's young daughter, Bjaðmunjo (fl. 1102/1103). The fact that Magnús intended to return to Norway reveals that Muirchertach benefited to most from the arrangement, although the alliance appears to have bound the kings against a common enemy in the region, Domnall Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain (died 1121). Unfortunately for Muirchertach, and his long-term ambitions in the Isles, Magnús was slain in Ulster in 1103, and Sigurðr immediately repudiated his bride and returned to Norway. Although Muirchertach was able to regain control of Dublin and still had held considerable influence in the Isles, Magnús' death left a vacuum which neither Muirchertach nor Domnall Mac Lochlainn could fill. If the Chronicle of Mann is to be believed, at one point in his career Logmaðr repented the cruelty that he had inflicted upon Haraldr, and remorsefully resigned his kingdom before setting off to Jerusalem where he died. The particular terminology employed by the chronicle—that Logmaðr departed the kingdom - marked with the sign of the Lord's cross — suggests that he participated in a crusade. On the other hand, since the chronicle was compiled in the thirteenth century, during a period when the idea of a cross-bearing pilgrim was well established, it is possible that this depiction of L?gmaðr has been contaminated by anachronistic conceptions. If Logmaðr was indeed a crusader, it is uncertain which particular crusade he undertook. One possibility is that he took part in the First Crusade, a movement that reached its climax with the successful siege and capture of Jerusalem in mid 1099. Logmaðr could have embarked upon this enterprise in about 1096, the year the pope's calls reached England. Alternately, in light of Logmaðr's capture by the Norwegians in 1098, it is conceivable that his release from custody was made conditional upon his exile and participation in the First Crusade. On the other hand, it is not impossible that Logmaðr originally undertook a pilgrimage before catching wind of the crusade en route. Another possibility is that Logmaðr regained some form of control in the Isles following Magnús' death, and afterwards joined Sigurðr's expedition to Holy Land in the first decade of the twelfth century. The precise chronology of this enterprise is uncertain, although the Norwegian fleet certainly reached England before the end of the first decade of the twelfth century. It may have been at this point, whilst Sigurðr overwintered at the English royal court, that Logmaðr joined up with him. If Logmaðr and Sigurðr indeed rendezvoused in England, this may have been the time when Óláfr was entrusted to the safekeeping of the English king. Certainly, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr was brought up at the English court. The reason why he was entrusted into the care of the English may have been because Henry 1 was thought to have been the only monarch who could guarantee Óláfr's safety. A probable tenth-century ancestor of Óláfr was the Uí Ímair dynast Óláfr kváran, King of Northumbria and Dublin (died 980/981), This man was likely the prototype of the mediaeval literary character variously known as Havelok the Dane. The earliest surviving source detailing Havelok is the twelfth-century Estoire des Engleis. The catalyst for Óláfr kváran's incorporation into twelfth-century English literature may have been Óláfr's stay at the court of Henry 1. Conceivably, writers may have sought out the patronage of the young Óláfr by borrowing tales of his famous like-named forebear. According to the twelfth-century Historia regum, Alexander 1, King of Scotland (died 1124) struggled to maintain control of his kingdom. One region which may have caused the Scots some concern was the Isles. In 1111, Domnall mac Taidc seized the kingship of the region, possibly with the aid of Muirchertach's northern opponent, Domnall Mac Lochlainn. This encroachment of competing Irish factions into the Isles may well have been as unpalatable to the English and Scots as the power vacuum left in the wake of Magnús' demise. The chronicle accords Óláfr a reign spanning forty years. His accession to the kingship of the Isles, therefore, appears to date to about 1112, 1113, 1114, or 1115. As such, Óláfr's accession dates to about the time of Muirchertach's faltering authority in 1114. Domnall may have been driven out of the Isles by force, or he could have been drawn back to Ireland in an attempt to capitalise upon his uncle's failing health and fleeting authority. Óláfr's return to the Isles from England appears to have been the work of Henry 1, who would have likely welcomed a steadfast dependent in control a region of strategic importance. Although the English and Scottish kings were certainly at odds over Cumbria at about this time, it is likely that they would have cooperated to combat the extension of Uí Briain and Meic Lochlainn influence in the Isles. In fact, the Scottish king's participation in the 1114 English expedition against Gruffudd—a man who seems to have been an associate of Muirchertach—may have been undertaken in this context. Furthermore, Muirchertach was closely associated with the Bellême-Montgomery family that had risen in a failed revolt against the English Crown in the first decade of the century. According to the twelfth-century Gesta regum Anglorum, the English imposed a trade embargo against Muirchertach at some point during the reign of Henry 1. Whilst it is possible that this action was a consequence of Muirchertach's familial relationship with his son-in-law Arnulf de Montgomery (died 1118-1122) — and Muirchertach's possible part in the Bellême-Montgomery insurrection—another possibility is that the sanctions concerned Muirchertach's ambitions in the Irish Sea region, especially since Óláfr had been entrusted into Henry 1's care. By establishing Óláfr in the Isles, Henry 1 may have sought to mitigate the extension of Irish influence in the Isles, and escalate the expansion of English authority into the Irish Sea region. According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr married Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161). Although the union is not dated by contemporary sources, it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. Affraic is specifically identified as the mother of Guðrøðr by the chronicle. The fact that he is recorded to have travelled to Norway on a diplomatic mission in 1152 suggests that he was an adult by this date, and may indicate that Óláfr and Affraic's union commenced in the 1130s. Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he had married an illegitimate daughter of Henry 1 in about the 1120s, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of Fergus' offspring, including Affraic herself. In fact, the shared kinship between Guðrøðr and Henry 1's succeeding grandson, Henry 2, King of England (died 1189), is noted by the twelfth-century Chronica of Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186). The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English king, one of the most powerful rulers in western Europe. Fergus profited from the marriage pact as well, since it bound Galloway more tightly to the Isles, a neighbouring realm from which Galloway had been invaded during the time of Magnús' overlordship. The union also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and gave him a valuable ally then outwith the orbit of the Scottish king. Óláfr's dealings with the abbey of St Mary of Furness—a religious house founded by the Lord of Lancaster, Stephen of Blois (died 1154) — could be evidence that Óláfr and Stephen enjoyed amiable relations in the first third of the twelfth century, and may indicate that Óláfr supported Stephen as King of England after 1135. At about this time, David 1 appears to have consolidated his overlordship of Argyll, a region located on the western periphery of the Scottish realm. By about 1140, not only had Óláfr and Fergus bound themselves together, but Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164) married one of Óláfr's illegitimate daughters. Although the name of this woman is not recorded by the Chronicle of Mann, she is identified as Ragnhildr by the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga. The marital binding of Óláfr with 2 of David 1's dependants — Fergus and Somairle — roughly coincided with the Scottish king's endeavour to establish control of Cumbria in the 1130s and 1140s. During this period, David's authority extended southwards along the Cumbrian coast through Copeland, Furness, into Stephen's former honour of Lancaster, thereby making him a principal power in the northern Irish Sea region. The martial alliances concerning Óláfr, therefore, may have formed part of a Scottish strategy to not only isolate him from an English alliance, but to project Scottish authority into the Irish Sea, and draw Óláfr into David 1's sphere of influence. Besides his wife Affraic, the chronicle states that Óláfr had many concubines by whom he had several daughters and three sons: Ragnvaldr (fl. 1164), Logmaðr, and Haraldr. The B-text of the thirteenth-century Fagrskinna records that Óláfr married Ingibjørg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney (died c.1126). Whilst Ingibjørg is not referred to by the chronicle, she is certainly linked to Óláfr by Orkneyinga saga, although this source also incorrectly states — in a passage concerning Guðrøðr's son and successor, Ragnvaldr (died 1229) — that Ingibjørg was Guðrøðr's mother. As a consequence of this error, there is reason to suspect that the saga has conflated Guðrøðr's son with Somairle's like-named son, Ragnall (died 1191/1192–c.1210/1227). The saga's confused entry, therefore, may be evidence that Ingibjørg was the mother of Óláfr's daughter, Ragnhildr. The terminology employed by the sources documenting Affraic and Ingibjørg reveal that the latter's relationship with Óláfr came to be viewed differently in Orkney than the Isles. Although Orkneyinga saga acknowledges that the union between Ingibj?rg's own parents was not a canonical marriage either, the coupling formed the basis for her family's claim to the earldom. Whatever the case, Óláfr's union with Ingibjørg likely predates his marriage to Affraic. Accordingly, Óláfr appears to have turned from an alliance with Ingibjørg's brother and Norwegian dependant, Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney (died 1137), to establish an alliance with Fergus, who was then a rising power in the Irish Sea region. The end result of this shift may be alluded to by the chronicle which states that Óláfr held peaceful alliances with Irish and Scottish kings so that none - dared disturbed - the Kingdom of the Isles. Whilst at the English royal court, Óláfr could well have met members of the Scottish monarchy. For example, Henry 1's wife was Matilda (died 1118), whose royal brothers, Alexander 1 and the future David 1, King of Scotland (died 1153), both resided in England before the onset of their reigns (the brothers respectively reigned in 1102–1124 and 1124–1153). Óláfr would have certainly been exposed to Henry 1's efforts to reform the English Church. Both Matilda and her husband were renowned patrons of religious orders, the Augustinians in particular. Although Óláfr's stay at Henry's court predated the arrival of the Savignac and Cisterian orders in England, Óláfr's experiences in England clearly influenced his decision to introduce reformed monastic orders into his own realm. In fact, the ecclesiastical actions of Óláfr's Scottish contemporaries—David I, and his predecessing Alexander 1 — were similarly influenced by their time spent in England. Óláfr's interest in religious reform is alluded to by the Chronicle of Mann, which declares: He was devout and enthusiastic in matters of religion and was welcome both to God and men. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Óláfr's kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles. Little is known of its early history, although its origins may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium. Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr Crovan's reign in the Isles. By the time of Óláfr's reign, the diocese appears to have encompassed the islands that had formerly been claimed by Magnús, and may well have included territory in western Galloway. In a letter that appears to date to about 1113, at about start of his reign, Óláfr presented an unnamed bishop for consecration to an Archbishop of York. Although the letter identifies the bishop with the initial - G - which potentially could represent Gerald (died 1108), whose tenure dates to 1100–1108, the fact that Óláfr's reign appears to have commenced several years later suggests that the initial is erroneous, and that the initial - T - was intended, perhaps in reference to either archbishop Thomas (died 1114), or the Thomas' successor, Thurstan (died 1140). No consecration is recorded in English sources, and Óláfr's candidate is not recorded in the chronicle. In about 1134, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr founded the abbey of St Mary of Rushen on Mann by granting Ivo, Abbot of Furness land to establish the house. As a Savignac daughter house of the nearby abbey of St Mary of Furness—a religious house seated just across the Irish Sea in Lancashire — the abbey of Rushen was the first reformed house in the Isles, and its foundation partly evidences the importance of links between Mann and northern England. The abbey's foundation charter reveals that Óláfr granted the monks of Furness the right to elect the Bishop of the Isles, a provision that further emphasised Óláfr's royal prerogative. The charter implies that episcopal authority within his realm had fallen to outsiders, and expresses the king's desire that the Isles be administered by its own bishop. This could be evidence that the former diocesan bishop, Hamond, died several years previous, and that a period of vacancy ensued in which neighbouring bishops took up the slack. The reestablishment of the Diocese of Whithorn in 1128, may have been undertaken in this context, and may also signal the loss of western Galloway from the Kingdom of the Isles. In a letter that probably dates not long after his foundation, Óláfr wrote to Thurstan, and confirmed the candidate elected by the monks of Furness. Hamond's successor appears to have been the shadowy Wimund, Bishop of the Isles (fl. c.1130–c.1150). According to the twelfth-century Historia rerum Anglicarum, Wimund began his ecclesiastical career at Furness before removing to Rushen. Although a twelfth-century chronicle of the ecclesiastical history of York states that Wimund professed obedience to Thomas, this archbishop's early tenure (1109–1114) suggests he has been confused with Thurstan. The fact that this source identifies Wimund's see as sancta ecclesia de Schith ("the holy Church of Skye") seems to be evidence that the diocesan seat had not yet been permanently centred on Mann, and that Wimund was seated at the site of the later mediaeval Snizort Cathedral. As a monk of Furness, Wimund may have originally relocated to Mann in the context of Óláfr's foundation of Rushen. He appears to have been the first Bishop of the Isles elected by the monks of Furness, and seems to have been consecrated by Thurstan. Wimund appears to have used his elevated position to violently seek the inheritance of an Earl of Moray in the late 1140s. Wimund's warring against the Scots eventually forced David 1 to cede him lands near Furness before his capture and mutilation in 1152. It is likely that Wimund's campaigning led to the abandonment of his diocesan see, and that his actions posed a serious threat to Óláfr's authority. The fact that Wimund is not listed amongst other diocesan bishops by the Chronicle of Mann could be evidence that Óláfr eventually came to repudiate him. A letter from Óláfr to the chapter of York suggests that the king unsuccessfully attempted to have a replacement, a certain Nicholas (fl. 1147-1152), consecrated by Robert de Ghent, Dean of York (died c.1158). The fact that Óláfr interacted with the dean suggests that the correspondence dates between the 1147 deposition of William fitz Herbert, Archbishop of York (died 1154) and the 1152 consecration of Henry Murdac, Archbishop of York (died 1153). Óláfr's inability to have his man consecrated may have been due to the Wimund episode being unresolved at the time. According to Robert de Torigni's Chronica and the thirteenth-century Flores historiarum, Henry Murdac consecrated John (fl. 1152), a Benedictine monk from Normandy, as Bishop of the Isles in 1152. The fact that the Chronicle of Mann fails to record John's name amongst other diocesan bishops appears to indicate that he was an unacceptable candidate to Óláfr and the Islesmen, and that John never occupied his see. By way of his ecclesiastical actions, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom, and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York. Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. In 1152, steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm. As a result of Óláfr's inability to have Nicholas formally consecrated, and his refusal to accept John as bishop, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin's ecclesiastical ascendancy. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of its own, Óláfr's diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's increasing authority. Moreover, in 1152, David 1 attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews. It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles. Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano (died 1159), a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy's authority into the northern European periphery. Eventually the newly created Norwegian province—the Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses within and outwith mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles, officially incorporated within the province in November 1154. Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin. The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power. In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles — its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway — appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles. In some respects, Óláfr's kingship may be comparable to that of David 1, who has come to regarded by modern historiography as a significant moderniser of the Scottish realm. have introduced modern forms of feudalism into his realm, and to have developed manorialism on Mann. He seems to have introduced the parochial system into the Isles; and like David 1, Óláfr transformed the church within his realm, creating a territorially defined diocese. His establishment of a more modern territorial kingship, which came to be associated with its demesne on Mann, may have led to the alienation of outlying areas. Although climatic conditions in the Isles improved in the eleventh century, and agricultural production appears to have increased as a result, there appears to have been a decrease in manufacturing by the twelfth century. Evidence of an eleventh-century mint on Mann exists prior to Guðrøðr Crovan's rule, but there is no evidence of one during Óláfr's reign, and no coins bearing the names of any of the members of his dynasty have been found. The acclamation or election of a king was an important component of kingship in northern mediaeval Europe. There are several examples of the role played by chieftains in the kingship of the Isles during Óláfr's floruit. For instance, the leading men of the realm are recorded to have brokered the deal to have Muirchertach provide a regent until Óláfr was old enough to reign, whilst disaffected chieftains are reported to have brought about the dramatic end of Ingimundr's regency, and chieftains are said to have accompanied Óláfr from England to begin his reign. Even in the immediate aftermath of Óláfr's demise, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that the chieftains of the Isles (principes insularum) gathered together and unanimously elected Guðrøðr as king. There is surviving evidence of only twenty royal charters dating from the reign of the Crovan dynasty. Of these, only one dates to the reign of Óláfr. Óláfr styled himself rex insularum, a Latin equivalent of a Gaelic title first accorded to his 10th century predecessor, Guðrøðr Haraldsson, King of the Isles (died 989). Surviving sources indicate that Óláfr was the first of several kings from his dynasty to claim to rule dei gratia (by the grace of God). The use of this formula was common amongst contemporary European monarchs but its use by the kings of the Isles, like the kings of Scotland, appears to have been adopted in imitation of the charters issued by the Angevin kings of England. Like the Scots, Óláfr and his successors appear to have adopted the formula to emphasise their sovereign right to kingship, to take their place amongst the leading monarchs of their time. Óláfr's use of the formula exemplifies the fact that — in comparison to his royal predecessors in the Isles — he was a new kind of ruler and the real founder of later Manx kingship. The fact that Óláfr was brought up at the English royal court could suggest that he, like David 1, was knighted by the English king. Certainly, several of Óláfr's thirteenth-century royal successors were knighted by their English counterpart. Óláfr appears to have been an energetic king who consolidated his rule in the northern portion of the Isles by way of military force. There is reason to suspect that this region had fallen under Orcadian influence before being reclaimed by the Islesmen under Óláfr. According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth-century Sleat History, he was aided by Somairle in military operations (otherwise unrecorded in contemporary sources) against the ancient Danes north of Ardnamurchan. Together with its claim that Óláfr also campaigned on North Uist, this source may be evidence that the bitter struggle between Guðrøðr and Somairle (fought after Óláfr's demise) took place in the context of Somairle taking back territories that he had originally helped secure into Óláfr's kingdom. Somairle first emerges into the historical record in the 1130s supporting an unsuccessful rival branch of the Scottish royal family against David 1. By about the time of Somairle's marriage to Óláfr's daughter, David 1 seems to have successfully imposed his authority over Argyll. As a result of this apparent overlorship, Somairle may have been encouraged to redirect his energies from Scotland into the Isles. There is reason to suspect that the Kingdom of the Isles lost control of territories in Galloway during Óláfr's floruit. Earlier in the mid eleventh century, the Rhinns of Galloway may have been ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan's predecessor, Echmarcach. By the last years of the century, the region was ruled by Mac Congail, King of the Rhinns (died 1094), who may have been a descendant of Guðrøðr Crovan's immediate predecessor, Fingal mac Gofraid. Whether Mac Congail ruled independently or subordinate to Guðrøðr Crovan is unknown. The installation of Gilla Aldan (died 1151-1154) as Bishop of Whithorn, in the third decade of the twelfth century, may mark the date when the Rhinns finally separated from the Kingdom of the Isles. Although support from the rulers of Galloway and Scotland may well have strengthened Óláfr's position in the Isles, and the chronicle portrays his reign as one of peacefulness, other sources vaguely recount the mainland depredations wrought by Wimund. The latter's warring against the Scots suggests that Óláfr may have struggled to maintain control of his far-flung kingdom. It is uncertain how the Diocese of the Isles was organised during Óláfr's reign. There may well have been several regional centres where diocesan bishops, accompanied by retinues of clerics and warriors, would have visited each successive region, living off the rendered tithes. In time however, the ecclesiastical endowments on Mann, commenced by Óláfr and further developed by his successors, would have reduced the need for such peripatetic diocesan bishops. As the kings of the Isles became more identified with their seat on Mann, so too were the bishops of the Isles, which may have resulted in the alienation of outlying areas. The now-ruinous ecclesiastical site of Cille Donnain, near Loch Kildonan on South Uist, could well have been a bishop's seat and twelfth-century power-centre in the Isles. Its precise place in the organisation of the Isles is uncertain. Certainly, L?gmaðr is associated with the Uists by a particular verse of poetry, attributed to the contemporary skald Gísl Illugason, preserved by the early thirteenth-century Morkinskinna. This contemporary composition could be evidence of a connection between him, or an associated bishop, with the Uist chain of islands. It is possible that, at a later date, the Cille Donnain site could have formed a residence for the peripatetic diocesan bishops of the Isles during their periodic visitations in the Uists. The year 1153 was a watershed in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Not only did David 1 die late in May, but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway. According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men — that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them — a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar — a man named Ragnvaldr — approached Óláfr, raised his axe as if to salute the king, and decapitated him in a single stroke. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves. Whether the men attained any form of authority in the rest of the Isles is unknown. Once in control of Mann, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Guðrøðr, the kingdom's legitimate heir, by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather, Fergus. Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find. This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother. Within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, enstrengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other two, and successfully secured the kingship for himself. Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit. Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, recorded in the twelfth-century Vita Ailredi, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death. The fact that Óláfr sent Guðrøðr to Norway in 1152 could suggest there had been anxiety over the succession of the Kingdom of the Isles, and that Guðrøðr rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) in an effort secure assistance in safeguarding the kingship. The chronicle's account of Guðrøðr's return from Norway notes that he arrived with a fleet of five ships, which could indicate that overseas support was indeed obtained. The earlier episode of conflict between Óláfr's elder brothers, his own slaying at the hands of his nephews, and the later internecine struggles endured by his descendants, reveal that competition for the kingship of the Isles was incredibly competitive and exceptionally violent. The turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness,[280] and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David 1, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm 4, King of Scotland (died 1165). The dynastic challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father. Through Guðrøðr, Óláfr was the patrilineal-ancestor of later rulers of the Crovan dynasty, a kindred whose tenure of power in the Isles lasted until the second half of the thirteenth century. Through Ragnhildr, Óláfr was an important ancestor of the rulers of Clann Somairle, the descendants of Ragnhildr's husband Somairle. Whilst the union certainly testifies to Somairle's esteemed status, the key to his successful career may well have been the marriage itself. In fact, the chronicle and Orkneyinga saga reveal that the early rulers of Clann Somairle owed their claim to the kingship of the Isles by right of their genealogical link to Óláfr through Ragnhildr. Although the burial place of Óláfr is unrecorded and unknown, by the second quarter of the thirteenth century St Mary of Rushen appears to have filled the role of royal mausoleum for the Crovan dynasty. Guðrøðr was himself buried on Iona, an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel. Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century. The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr. Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable. | Gudrødsen, Olaf (Olof) "Olafr 1" (I15707)
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| 12844 | Olaf og Marie hos fotograf sammen med Haldis, barnebarnet Svenn Thun og Cora Alice. | Family: Svend Olaf Lorentzen / Hanna Marie Meland, "Lorentzen" (F307)
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| 12845 | Olaf Skrogstad, 93, passed away peacefully on March 28, 2016 surrounded by family and friends at his home in Kent, Wa. He is survived by his daughter, Debbie Krogness; son-in-law Robert; sister Marie Olson; loving companion for over 35 years, Lorraine Nuss; and many nieces and nephews. Olaf was preceded in death by sisters; Alice, Lillian, Myrtle, Sigrid; brother Marvin; and son, David Paul. The family wishes to thank everyone at Farrington Court Assisted Living in Kent and the Group Health Kent Hospice team for all of their loving care and support. Published in The Seattle Times on Apr. 18, 2016 | Skrogstad, Olaf (I8434)
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| 12846 | Olaf var fortsatt kontorsjef i 1930. | Brinchmann-Hansen, Olaf (I397)
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| 12847 | Óláfr Guðrøðarson commonly known in English as Olaf the Black, was a mid 13th century sea-king who ruled the Isle of Man (Mann) and parts of the Hebrides. Óláfr was the son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of the Isles, King of Dublin, and his wife Finnguala, granddaughter of Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, High King of Ireland, King of Cenél nEógain. According to the Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr appointed Óláfr as heir since he had been born in lawful wedlock. Whether or not this is the case, on Guðrøðr's death in 1187 the Manxmen instead appointed Ragnvaldr as king, as he was a capable adult and Óláfr was a mere child. Ragnvaldr ruled the Crovan dynasty's island-kingdom for almost 40 years, during which time the half-brothers vied for the kingship. At one point Óláfr, who had been given possession of Lewis, complained to Rögnvaldr that his lands were not enough. Ragnvaldr's response was seize Óláfr and send him to the King of Scots, where he was imprisoned for almost 7 years. Upon his release, Óláfr undertook a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, after which the half-brothers were reconciled and Rögnvaldr had Óláfr married to Lauon, the sister of his own wife. Sometime after 1217 this marriage was nullified by Reginald, Bishop of the Isles, who may have been an ally of Óláfr against Rögnvaldr. Óláfr then married Christina, a daughter of the King of Scots' protégé Ferchar, Earl of Ross. The chronicle claims that Ragnvaldr's bitter wife tricked their own son, Guðrøðr, into attempting to kill Óláfr; however, Óláfr narrowly escaped with his life and fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland. Together with a loyal follower, one Páll Bálkason, Óláfr later defeated Guðrøðr on Skye. In the 1220s Rögnvaldr formed an alliance with Alan, Lord of Galloway, in an attempt to fend off Óláfr. Ragnvaldr married his daughter to one of Alan's sons, and it has been theorised that this son was intended to inherit the island-kingdom. Rögnvaldr's actions enraged the Manxmen and in 1226 they deposed him in favour of Óláfr. Ragnvaldr was later killed battling Óláfr in 1229. In 1230 Óláfr fled to Norway to seek military assistance against Alan and members of Clann Somairle. The Norwegian king's response was to send a fleet into the Isles under the command of Óspakr-Hákon, a member of Clann Somairle. Óspakr-Hákon was slain early in the campaign, after which Óláfr took control of the fleet and secured himself on Mann. The island-kingdom was divided between him and his mutilated nephew Guðrøðr, with the latter ruling the Hebridean portion and Óláfr ruling Mann itself. Guðrøðr was soon after killed on Lewis, and Óláfr ruled the whole Kingdom of Mann and the Isles peacefully, until his death in 1237. Óláfr's restoration on Mann was seen as a success by the Norwegians, and likely favourably viewed by the Scots as well; since the internal struggle between him and his rivals had been brought to an end. Óláfr was succeeded by his son, Haraldr. In all, 3 of Óláfr's sons ruled the Crovan dynasty's island-kingdom — the last of which, Magnús Óláfsson, was also the last of the dynasty to rule. Óláfr is known to have been survived by 3 children; Haraldr (d. 1248), Ragnvaldr (d. 1249), and Magnús (d. 1265) — all of whom ruled as kings in their own right. Although the mother of Óláfr's children is not known for certain, she is thought to have been Christina. The Chronicle of Mann states that Óláfr's immediate successor, Haraldr, was only 14 years old at the time of his father's death, which dates his birth to about the time of the marriage of Óláfr and Christina. There is evidence to suggest that Óláfr might have had a fourth son named Guðrøðr. For example, the chronicle relates how the governor of Mann, described as a kinsman of Haraldr, fled from the king in 1238 and set sail for Wales, taking with him his foster-son Guðrøðr Óláfsson. When the fleeing ship reached the Welsh coast it was wrecked and, according to the chronicle, Guðrøðr perished on board. Furthermore, amongst the names of witnesses within a quitclaim between Llywelyn ap Gruffudd (d. 1282) and Ralph de Mortimer (d. 1246), thought to date to about 1241, there is a certain Guðrøðr who appears in Latin as Godredo filio regis Mannie (Guðrøðr, son of the King of Mann). Although the possibility has been raised that the two sources may refer to the same man, there is no further evidence to confirm it. | Gudrødsen, Olaf "Olafr 2" (I15725)
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| 12848 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I18081)
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| 12849 | Olaug hadde en uektefødt datter med Nils Jensen Estenstad (Hov) (1777-): 1. Guru, f.1799. Nevnt - Olsdatter - i 1815. Flyttet ut før 1825. Felles barn: 1. Marit, f.1802 d.1861. Ugift. 2. Olaug, f.1805 d.før 1866. Gift 1831 med Even Jensen Eggen (1805-). Først bønder i Sæter. Flyttet til Rathe i Melhus. 6 barn. Olaug hadde også en uektefødt datter (Kari) med Anders Rolfsen Storrø. 3. Lars, f.1808 d.1827. 4. Berit, f.1810 d.1810. 5. Berit, f.1812 d.1902. Ugift fattiglem som bodde i Lillestuen på Sæter. Hadde en uektefødt sønn, Lars, hvis far var John Eriksen Solem. 6. Siri, f.1815 d.1890. Gift 1841 med Ole Olsen Lilleholte (1816-1872). Bønder i Bjørkåsen. | Family: Ole Larsen Solberg, "Sæter" / Olaug Arntsdatter Solberg, "Sæter" (F901)
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| 12850 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I1089)
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