Zinow Genealogy Website
The history of the Norwegian Zinow family, and their connected families of Lorentzen, Hugaas, Schøyen, Møller, Skrogstad, Høyem, Reitan, Brinchmann, Sværen, Harbo, Bernhoft, Hiorth, Linge, Tjomsaas, Cudrio, Borlaug, Husabø, Børsheim, Coucheron, Irgens etc. ...and for our beautiful long-haired dachshund; Tina
Notes
Matches 701 to 750 of 16,597
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701 | 88,5 år. Enke, fru Majorinne, Anne Fredrikke døde på Rosvold i Børsen, hjemme hos sin datter og svigersønn Mosling. Fra dødsannonsen i Tronhjems Borgelige Realskoles allene privilegerede Adressecontors Efterretninger fredag 14.januar 1820: Dødsfald. Rolig - med saadan Tilfredshed, som hun kan falde i den Dydiges Lod - henslumdrede min elskede Svigermoder og Moder, Frue Majorinde Anna Frederika sal. Mathesons, født Klingenberg, den 5te dennes i vort Huus, hvor hun tilbragte de sidste 36 Aar af sit Liv. Hun opnaaede en Alder af 88 1/2 Aar. Af Alle. der kjendte hende, elskedes hun. De ville offre hendes Minde en Taare, det vide vi, uden derom at modtage nogen Forsikkring. Rosvold i Børsen, den 7de Januar 1820. B.A.Mosling. M.S.Mosling, født Matheson. | Johannesdatter Klingenberg, Anne Fredrikke (Ana Fredrike) "Matheson" (I1811)
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702 | 8te Dage før St.Hansdag blev Christen Hellesens Søn Helle Christensen fød. | Christensen Hvam, Helle (I25516)
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703 | 9 barn | Family: Jørgen Jobsen Dischington / Christine Elisabeth Mohrsen, "Dischington" (F1489)
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704 | 9 barn | Family: Anders Hansen Foss / Marie (Marine) Robertsdatter Geizpuscher, "Foss" (F1750)
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705 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Family: Ole Larsen Follum, "Burud"/"Bure" / Living (F9769)
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706 | 9 barn. | Family: Robert Julius Hove / Clara Brudvik, "Hove" (F5177)
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707 | 9 barn: 1. Marie Margrethe, født 24.juni 1666 på Kjølset i Grue, begravet 11.juni 1722 i Vinger. Gift med proviantforvalter Jens Sørensen på Traastad (1654-1728). 2. Rebecca, født 1667, begravet 24.mai 1728 i Sigdal. Gift 19.oktober 1685 i Bragernes med sokneprest Niels Nielsen Griis. 3. Anne Sophie, født 1667, død 27.juni 1734 i Stangvik. Gift 1.gang med sokneprest til Grue, Anders Stensen Meldal. Gift 2.gang i Vinger 18.juli 1709 med sokneprest til Stangvik, Mads Christophersen Gram. 4. Elisabeth, født 1669, begravet 15.juni 1706 i Vinger. Gift med sorenskriver i Østerdalen, Bendix Heide (1655-1716). 5. Johan, født 1671, begravet 30.juni 1717 i Sandeherred. Skriverkarl hos Gyldenløve. Gift 1.gang 1709 i Larvik med enken Anna Mogensdatter (død 1710). Gift 2.gang 23.september 1711 i Sandeherred med Gjertrud Langø. 6. Claus, født 1675, begravet 8.februar 1737 i Strøm. Medeier i Odals verk, eier av Valstad. Gift i november 1678 i Kristiania med Anne Margrethe Carlsdatter Coch (ca.1671-1742). 7. Antonette Ulrikke, født 4.august 1676, begravet 2.mai 1710 i Vinger. Gift 17.oktober 1701 i Strøm med barbergesell fra Kristiania Johan Jochumsen Dorn (ca1652, 1718). 8. Brede, født 1677. Student 1697, tjente presten i Vesty 1701. 9. Bastine, født 1680, begravet 15.januar 1706 i Vinger. Gift 21.februar 1701 i Strøm med kaptein Anders Mogensen Molbech i Vang. | Family: Johann Steenkuhl / Birgitte (Birthe) Clausdatter Stabel, "Steenkuhl" (F7498)
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708 | 9.april 1667: Norske Aabne Breve. Norske Register XI 638a: Konsept mangler. Ekspektansebrev for Erik Andersen Oppdal på Tynset kall i Østerdalen. Han skal få kallet hvis den nåværende sokneprest blir fradømt sin stilling på grunn av sin forseelse, og hvis han består sin eksamen. Vilhelm Dop ekspektansebrev står likevel ved makt. Norske Innlegg: a. Erik Andersen Oppdals søknad, datert 30.mars 1667. han har studert 12 år i København og var offiser i et av studentkompaniene under Københavns beleiring. Han ber om å få tildelt Tynset kall i Østerdalen. Påtegning: Stattholderens erklæring, datert Akershus 30.mars 1667. b. Stattholderens brev til biskop Hans Svane, datert Akershus 30.mars 1667 med anbefaling av Erik Andersen Oppdal. | Andersen Opdal, Erik (I2798)
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709 | 9.februar? | Bay, Johanne Cathrine Petronelle "Printz" (I1218)
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710 | 9/5 94. Knud dinerer hos mig idag med R. K til Hamar imorgen. Brevkort af 5/5 fra L.: Jeg er kommen mig meget m.h.t. gang, og smerterne betydeligt aftagne. Appetiten fremdeles skral. Sårene uforandrede. – Var igår med H. og barna på toppen af Rekneshougen, og iforgårs – til 1ste bænk uden hvile. – Her fiskes for tiden ufs på grynna - hidenfor holmerne. Klør i fingrene efter et nap. Endnu intet bestemt om Stuflotten. Barna friske efter lidt forkjølelse. Lille Valborg har sluppet sig. Hos R. alt vel på det vær, at Visse har ørepine, hvorfor hjemme fra skolen nogle dage. Assis knæ er heller ikke patent. Menu idag: Karvekål, fårefricassée, appelsin og sherry. Eders skål! A.Br. | Brinchmann, Alexander (I32)
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711 | 9/5 94. Knud dinerer hos mig idag med R. K til Hamar imorgen. Brevkort af 5/5 fra L.: Jeg er kommen mig meget m.h.t. gang, og smerterne betydeligt aftagne. Appetiten fremdeles skral. Sårene uforandrede. – Var igår med H. og barna på toppen af Rekneshougen, og iforgårs – til 1ste bænk uden hvile. – Her fiskes for tiden ufs på grynna - hidenfor holmerne. Klør i fingrene efter et nap. Endnu intet bestemt om Stuflotten. Barna friske efter lidt forkjølelse. Lille Valborg har sluppet sig. Hos R. alt vel på det vær, at Visse har ørepine, hvorfor hjemme fra skolen nogle dage. Assis knæ er heller ikke patent. Menu idag: Karvekål, fårefricassée, appelsin og sherry. Eders skål! A.Br. | Brinchmann, Jacob Ludvig Hoffmann (I33)
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712 | 9/5 94. Knud dinerer hos mig idag med R. K til Hamar imorgen. Brevkort af 5/5 fra L.: Jeg er kommen mig meget m.h.t. gang, og smerterne betydeligt aftagne. Appetiten fremdeles skral. Sårene uforandrede. – Var igår med H. og barna på toppen af Rekneshougen, og iforgårs – til 1ste bænk uden hvile. – Her fiskes for tiden ufs på grynna - hidenfor holmerne. Klør i fingrene efter et nap. Endnu intet bestemt om Stuflotten. Barna friske efter lidt forkjølelse. Lille Valborg har sluppet sig. Hos R. alt vel på det vær, at Visse har ørepine, hvorfor hjemme fra skolen nogle dage. Assis knæ er heller ikke patent. Menu idag: Karvekål, fårefricassée, appelsin og sherry. Eders skål! A.Br. | Brinchmann, Ragnhild "Brinchmann-Hansen" (I393)
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713 | 90 år gammel. | Guttormsdatter Hjerkinn, Thorre (Thore / Tora) "Lannem" (I10703)
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714 | 986? | av Luxemburg, Otgiva (Ogiva) (I4755)
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715 | 9lb 7oz | Haverland, Jaeden Angelique (I10352)
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716 | = person 8492 ???? | Hansen Ruus, Jonas (I11458)
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717 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I4)
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718 | A member of the Piast dynasty, he was son of Siemomysl; grandchild of Lestek; father of Boleslaw 1 the Brave, the first crowned King of Poland; likely father of Swietoslawa (Sigrid), a Nordic Queen; and grandfather of her son, Cnut the Great. The first historical ruler of Poland, Mieszko 1 is considered the de facto creator of the Polish state. He continued the policy of both his father and grandfather, who were rulers of the pagan tribes located in the area of present Greater Poland. Either through alliances or by use of military force, Mieszko extended the ongoing conquests and early in his reign subordinated Kuyavia and probably Gdansk Pomerania and Masovia. For most of his reign, Mieszko 1 was involved in warfare for the control of Western Pomerania, eventually conquering it up to the vicinity of the lower Oder. During the last years of his life he fought the Bohemian state, winning Silesia and probably Lesser Poland. Mieszko 1's marriage in 965 to the Czech Premyslid princess Dobrawa and his baptism in 966 put him and his country in the cultural sphere of Western Christianity. Apart from the great conquests accomplished during his reign (which proved to be fundamental for the future of Poland), Mieszko 1 was renowned for his internal reforms, aimed at expanding and improving the so-called war monarchy system. According to existing sources, Mieszko 1 was a wise politician, a talented military leader and charismatic ruler. He successfully used diplomacy, concluding an alliance with Bohemia first, and then with Sweden and the Holy Roman Empire. In foreign policy, he placed the interests of his country foremost, even entering into agreements with former enemies. On his death, he left to his sons a country of greatly expanded territory, with a well-established position in Europe. Mieszko 1 also enigmatically appeared as "Dagome" in a papal document dating to about 1085, called Dagome iudex, which mentions a gift or dedication of Mieszko's land to the Pope (the act took place almost a hundred years earlier). There are three major theories concerning the origin and meaning of Mieszko 1's name. The most popular theory, proposed by Jan Dlugosz, explains that Mieszko is a diminutive of Mieczyslaw, a combination of two elements or lexemes: Miecz meaning sword and Slaw meaning famous. Today, this theory is rejected by the majority of Polish historians, who consider the name Mieczyslaw to have been invented by Dlugosz to explain the origin of the name Mieszko. Today, we know that ancient Slavs never formed their names using either animal names or weapon names. Ancient Slavic names were abstract in nature. The same explanation rules out another theory about the origin of the name Mieszko, which links the name with the Polish word mis/misko meaning bear, as no animal names were used to form honorable Polish names among Polish nobility. The second most popular theory about the origin and sense of Mieszko's name can be traced to the very old legend, firstly described by Gallus Anonymus, according to which Mesco (the Latinized form used by the earliest sources) was blind during his first seven years of life. The chronicler related this story (a typical medieval allegory) as follows: At that time (after Mieszko recovered his eyesight) Prince Siemomysl urgently asked the elderly people of his country whether his son's blindness conveyed some miraculous meaning. They explained that this blindness meant that Poland was blind back then, but from now was going to be illuminated by Mieszko and elevated over the neighboring nations. This interpretation was a clear reference to the later baptism of the Duke: Poland was indeed blind before, knowing nothing about the true God or the principles of the Catholic faith, but thanks to the enlightenment of Mieszko the country also had become enlightened, because when he adopted the faith, the Polish nation was saved from death and destruction. In addition, it is known that the Slavic word "mzec" can be interpreted as ?having his eyes closed? or ?be blind?. Yet again, today it is almost certain that this legend was used as a metaphor, in allusion to the old Slavic pagan ceremony known as the "postrzyzyny": During that ceremony hair cutting was performed to every boy at the age of seven. In that symbolic rite a child became a man. That explains that Mieszko wasn't blind in fact. He was blind only metaphorically. Besides his son?s name was also Mieszko and it is hard to believe that he was also blind. In addition, as we know today ancient Slavs used only abstract names among nobility. The third theory links the name of Mieszko with his other name, Dagome, as it appeared in the document called Dagome iudex. We know this document only from a copy prepared by an anonymous monk who was not familiar with Polish language or Polish names. It is possible that while copying the document he made a mistake and wrote down Dagome instead of Dagomer or even Dagomir. The name Dagomir is used to this day and its construction is similar to other Polish names like for example: Wladimir/Wlodzimierz or Casimir/Kazimierz. The evolution of the ?-mir? element to ?-mierz? is due to two separate developments: first, the regular change of the vowel "i" to "(i)e" before "r", and second, the modification of the nominative case by the vocative for certain names (hence, Kazimierz replaced Kazimier based on the vocative Kazimierze). It is debatable whether the name Mieszko is a nickname formed from the second part of the name *Dago-mierz, since the merger in pronunciation of "sz" with the devoiced "rz" which would appear in this position is quite recent. The word mir can be translated as peace. However, some historians believe that the word "Dagome" is a melding of two names: the Christian "Dago," for "Dagobert" (Mieszko's hypothetical baptismal name), and the Slavic "Me," for "Mieszko." The Latin word "iudex" ("judge") would be used in the meaning of "prince." Another interpretation is that "Dagome iudex" is a corruption of "Ego Mesco dux" ("I, Prince Mieszko"). Mieszko 1 took over the tribal rule after his father's death ca. 950?960, probably closer to the latter date. Due to the lack of sources it is not possible to determine exactly which lands he inherited. Certainly among them were the areas inhabited by the Polans and Goplans, as well as the Sieradz-Leczyca lands and Kuyavia. It is possible that this state included also Masovia and Gdansk Pomerania. Soon the new ruler had faced the task of integrating the relatively large, ethnically and culturally heterogeneous territory. Although the residents of areas controlled by Mieszko spoke mostly one language, had similar beliefs and reached a similar level of economic and general development, they were socially connected primarily by tribal structures. It appears that the elders cooperating with the Duke first felt the need for super-tribal unity, as expansion allowed them to broaden their influence. Mieszko and his people were described around 966 by Abraham ben Jacob, a Sephardi Jewish traveller, who at that time visited the Prague court of Duke Boleslav 1 the Cruel. Abraham presented Mieszko 1 as one of the four Slavic "kings", reigning over a vast "northern" area, with a highly regarded and substantial military force at his disposal. More precise contemporary records regarding Mieszko were compiled by Widukind of Corvey, and half a century later, by Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg. By the time Mieszko 1 took over from his father, the Polans' tribal federation of Greater Poland had for some time been actively expanding. Continuing this process, perhaps in the first years of Mieszko's reign, if it had not been done already by his father, Mieszko 1 conquered Masovia. Likely also during that period or earlier, at least partially Gdansk Pomerania was obtained. Mieszko's interests were then concentrated mainly on areas occupied by the eastern (near the Oder River) branches of the Polabian Slavs; some of them became soon subordinated by him. As Widukind of Corvey wrote, Mieszko ruled over the tribe called the Licicaviki, now commonly identified with the Polabian Lubusz Land. Having the control over those more western (in respect to the original homeland of the Polans) tribes, Mieszko had entered the German sphere of influence. In 963 the German Margrave Gero conquered territories occupied by the Polabian Lusatian and Slupian tribes, and as a result came into direct contact with the Polish state. At the same time (about 960) Mieszko I began his expansion against the Velunzani and Lutici tribes. The war was recorded by the chronicler Abraham ben Jacob. According to him, Mieszko 1 had fought against the Weltaba tribe, commonly identified with the Veleti. Wichmann the Younger, a Saxon nobleman who was then a leader of a band of Polabian Slavs, defeated Mieszko twice, and around 963 a brother of Mieszko, whose name is unknown, was killed in the fighting. The frontiers at the mouth of the Oder River were also desired by the German margraves. In addition, the Veleti Bohemia, which at that time possessed Silesia and Lesser Poland regions, constituted a danger for the young state of the Polans. Probably in 964 Mieszko began negotiations with the Bohemian ruler Boleslav I the Cruel. As a result, in 965 Mieszko I married his daughter Dobrawa (also named Dobrava, Doubravka or Dabr?wka). The initiative of the Polish-Bohemian_Alliance alliance is likely to have come from the Polish ruler. It is probable that the marriage was officially arranged in February 965. The next step was the baptism of Mieszko. There are different hypotheses concerning this event. Most often it is assumed that it was a political decision, intended to bring Mieszko's state closer to the Czechs and to facilitate his activities in the Polabian Slavs area. At the same time, the baptism decreased the likelihood of future attacks by German margraves and deprived them of the opportunity to attempt Christianization of Mieszko's lands by force. An additional reason could be Mieszko's desire to remove from power the influential pagan priest class, who may have been blocking his efforts to establish a more centralized rule. A different hypothesis is linked with the above-mentioned acceptance of the veracity of Gero's invasion of Poland. According to it, it was the attack of the Margrave that forced the Christianization, which was to be an act of subordination to the Emperor, done without the mediation of the Pope. Still other motives were responsible according to Gallus Anonymus, who claimed that it was the Bohemian Princess Dobrawa who convinced her husband to change his religion. Likewise chronicler Thietmar attributes Mieszko's conversion to Dobrawa's influence. There are no reasons to negate Dobrawa's role in Mieszko's acceptance of Christianity; however crediting rulers' wives with positive influence over their husbands' actions was a common convention at that time. It is generally recognized that the baptism of Mieszko I took place in 966. The place is unknown; it could have had happened in any of the cities of the Empire (possibly Regensburg), but also in one of the Polish towns like Gniezno or Ostr?w Lednicki. The belief that the baptism was accomplished through the Czechs in order to avoid the dependence on Germany and the German Church is incorrect, because Bohemia would not have its own church organization until 973. At the time of the baptism of Mieszko the existing Bohemian church establishment was a part of the Regensburg diocese. Thus, if the Polish ruler accepted the baptism through Prague's mediation, it had to be sanctioned in Regensburg. However, the religious vocabulary (words like baptism, sermon, prayer, church, apostle, bishop or confirmation) were adopted from the Czech language and had to come from Dobrawa's entourage and the church elements that arrived with her. Perhaps with her also came the first Polish bishop, Jordan. It could be that the reason for the Czech preference of Mieszko was the existence in Bohemia of a mission which followed the precepts of the Byzantine Greek brothers and later saints Cyril and Methodius, who developed and performed the liturgy in the Slavic rite, more readily understood by Mieszko and his subjects. The Slavic rite church branch had survived in Bohemia for another hundred years after Mieszko's baptism. Through the adoption of Christianity Mieszko I included his Polish state in the community European western Latin rite Christian states. The Holy Roman Empire or any other Christian country, in theory, had no right to attack Poland under the pretext of spreading Christianity or for other unjust reasons, because the Duke of the Polans had become a member of the Christian circle. The baptism also started the spread of the Latin culture into Poland, with the first literate and educated churchmen-advisers joining Mieszko's court. The missionary bishopric started by Jordan in 968 used the Latin liturgy and was directly subordinate to the Papacy. Churches were being built at Gniezno, Poznan, Ostr?w Lednicki and elsewhere. The existence of the missionary diocese emphasized the individuality and independence of the Polish state. At the time of the reign of Mieszko there was no single place serving as the capital, instead he built several palatiums around his country. The most important locations were Poznan (Ostr?w Tumski), Gniezno and Ostr?w Lednicki. The latter was a ring-fort some 500 meters in circumference, containing the duke's residence, a stone palace, the country's first monumental architecture. The Christianization had also led to political changes. The emergent power structures were independent of the traditional tribal elders and limited their authority. Clergy who arrived in the country contributed to the development of education and culture, and of the state administration and diplomacy. At the end of Mieszko's reign (ca. 990) Poland began to pay tribute to the pope (Peter's Pence). However, the conversion of the Polish population into Christianity was a long-term process and was not be completed during the reign of Mieszko I. The duke probably had to deal with rebellions led by the old pagan priest caste. In some villages, the old Slavic beliefs and customs were continued until the 16th century. After the normalization of relations with the Holy Roman Empire and Bohemia, Mieszko I returned to his plans of conquest of the more western part of Pomerania. On 21 September 967 the Polish-Bohemian troops prevailed in the decisive battle against the Wolinians led by Wichmann the Younger, which gave Mieszko the control over the mouth of the Odra River. The German margraves had not opposed Mieszko's activities in Pomerania, perhaps even supported them; the death of the rebellious Wichmann, who succumbed to his wounds soon after the battle, may have been in line with their interests. A telling incident took place after the battle, a testimony to Mieszko's high standing among the Empire's dignitaries, just one year after his baptism: Widukind of Corvey reported that the dying Wichmann asked Mieszko to hand over Wichmann's weapons to Emperor Otto I, to whom Wichmann was related. For Mieszko the victory had to be a satisfying experience, especially in light of his past defeats inflicted by Wichmann. The exact result of Mieszko's fighting in Western Pomerania is not known. Subsequent loss of the region by Mieszko's son Boleslaw Chrobry suggests that the conquest was difficult and the hold over that territory rather tenuous. In one version of the legend of St. Wojciech it is written that Mieszko I had his daughter[30] married to a Pomeranian prince, who previously voluntarily was washed with the holy water of the baptism in Poland. The above information, as well as the fact that Boleslaw lost Western Pomerania, suggest that the region was not truly incorporated into the Polish state, but only became a fief. This conjecture seems to be confirmed in the introduction of the first volume of the chronicles of Gallus Anonymus concerning the Pomeranians: Although often the leaders of the forces defeated by the Polish duke sought salvation in baptism, as soon as they regained their strength, they repudiated the Christian faith and started the war against Christians anew. In 972 Poland suffered the attack of Odo 1, Margrave of the Saxon Ostmark. According to the chronicles of Thietmar, this attack was an arbitrary action, without the consent of the Emperor: Meanwhile, the noble Margrave Hodo, having collected his army attacked Mieszko, who has been faithfully paying tribute to the Emperor (for the lands) up the Warta river. See also: Battle of Cedynia There are different hypotheses concerning the reasons for this invasion. Possibly Margrave Odo wanted to stop the growing power of the Polish state. Very likely Odo wanted to protect the Wolinian state, which he considered his zone of influence, from the Polish take-over. Possibly the Wolinians themselves called the Margrave and asked his help. In any event, Odo's forces moved in and on 24 June 972 twice engaged Mieszko's army at the village of Cidini, commonly identified with Cedynia. At first, the Margrave defeated Mieszko's forces; subsequently the Duke's brother Czcibor defeated the Germans in the decisive stage, inflicting great losses among their troops. It may be that Mieszko intentionally staged the retreat, which was followed by a surprise attack on the flank of the German pursuing troops. After this battle, Mieszko and Odo were called to the Imperial Diet in Quedlinburg in 973 to explain and justify their conduct. The exact judgment of the Emperor is unknown, but it's certain that the sentence wasn't carried out because he died a few weeks after the Diet. It is commonly assumed that the sentence was unfavorable to the Polish ruler. Some sources indicate that Mieszko was not present in Quedlinburg during the gathering; instead, he had to sent his son Boleslaw as a hostage. Mieszko's conflict with Odo I was a surprising event because, according to Thietmar, Mieszko respected the Margrave highly. Thietmar wrote the following: Mieszko would never wear his outdoor garment in a house where Odo was present, or remain seated after Odo had gotten up. It is believed that in practical terms the victory at Cedynia sealed Western Pomerania's fate as Mieszko' dependency. According to archaeological research, during the 970s the Sandomierz region and the Przemysl area inhabited by the Lendians became incorporated into the Polish state. None of it is certain for the lack of written sources. It is possible that especially the Przemysl area, inhibated by the Lendians and the White Croats, belonged at that time to Bohemia, which supposedly extended up to the Bug River and Styr River. The Primary Chronicle states that in 981 Vladimir of the Rurik Dynasty went towards the Lachy and took their towns: Przemysl, Czerwien and other strongholds (...). The exact interpretation of this passage is uncertain, because the Ruthenian word "Lachy" meant both the Poles in general and the southeastern Lendians tribe. Mieszko's conquest of Sandomierz could also have taken place later, together with the take-over of the Vistulans (western and central Lesser Poland). Some historians suggest that the regions of Sandomierz, Lublin and Czerwien (western Red Ruthenia) were indeed annexed by Mieszko's state in the 970s, as lands valuable for trade reasons and as a starting point for a future attack against what was to become Lesser Poland, then in the hands of Bohemia. Sandomierz under this scenario was the central hub of the area, with Czerwien, Przemysl and Chelm assuming the function of defensive borderland strongholds. After the death of Emperor Otto 1 in 973 Mieszko, like his brother-in-law, Duke Boleslav 2 of Bohemia, joined the German opposition in support of the attempted imperial succession of Henry 2, Duke of Bavaria. Mieszko may have been motivated by revenge because of the (presumably) negative verdict of the Quedlinburg summit, but may be more importantly he wanted more favorable terms for his cooperation with Germany. The participation of Mieszko in the conspiracy against Otto 2 was documented in only one source, the chronicles of the monastery in Altaich in its entry for the year 974. The Duke of Bavaria was defeated, and Emperor Otto 2 regained full power. Shortly afterwards the young emperor waged a retaliatory expedition against Bohemia, forcing in 978 Duke Boleslav into submission. In 977 Mieszko's wife, Dobrawa, died. At first there were no apparent repercussions, as the Polish ruler had maintained his alliance with Bohemia. In 979 Otto 2 supposedly attacked Poland. Mention of this event can be found in the Chronicle of the Bishops of Cambrai from the 11th century. The effects of this expedition are unknown, but it is suspected that the Emperor did not succeed. Due to bad weather, the Emperor was back at the border of Thuringia and Saxony in December of that year. It is uncertain whether the invasion actually took place. The chronicle only stated that it was an expedition "against the Slavs". Archaeological discoveries appear to support the thesis of Otto 2's invasion. In the last quarter of the 10th century there had been a radical expansion of the fortifications at Gniezno and Ostr?w Lednicki, which may be associated with the Polish-German war, or the expectation of such. The duration of the expedition suggests that it may have reached as far east as the vicinity of Poznan. The Polish-German agreement was concluded in the spring or possibly summer of 980, because in November of that year Otto II left his country and went to Italy. It appears that during this time Mieszko I married Oda, daughter of Dietrich of Haldensleben, Margrave of the Northern March, after abducting her from the monastery of Kalbe.[46] Chronicler Thietmar described the event as follows: When Boleslaw's mother died his father married, without permission from the Church, a nun from the monastery in Kalbe, daughter of Margrave Dietrich. Oda was her name and her guilt was great. For she scorned her vows to God, and gave preference to the man of war before him (...). But because of the concern for the well-being of the homeland and the necessity to secure its peace, the event caused no break of relations, instead a proper way was found to restore concord. For thanks to Oda the legion of followers of Christ became augmented, many prisoners returned to their country, the shackled had their chains taken off, and the gates of prisons were opened for the trespassers. Although Thietmar made no mention of warfare that possibly took place on this occasion, the information on the return of the accord, acting for the good of the country and release of prisoners indicate that a conflict actually did occur.[48] The marriage with Oda considerably affected the position and prestige of Mieszko, who entered the world of Saxon aristocracy. As a son-in-law of Margrave Dietrich, he gained an ally in one of the most influential politicians of the Holy Roman Empire. As the Margrave was a distant relative of the Emperor, Mieszko became a member of the circle connected to the imperial ruling house. Probably in the early 980s Mieszko allied his country with Sweden against Denmark. The alliance was sealed with the marriage of Mieszko's daughter Swietoslawa with the Swedish king Erik. The content of the treaty is known from the not entirely reliable, but originating directly from the Danish court tradition account given by Adam of Bremen. In this text, probably as a result of confusion, he gives instead of Mieszko's name the name of his son Boleslaw: The King of the Swedes, Erik, entered into an alliance with the very powerful King of the Polans, Boleslaw. Boleslaw gave Erik his daughter or sister. Because of this cooperation the Danes were routed by the Slaves and the Swedes. Mieszko decided on the alliance with Sweden probably in order to help protect his possessions in Pomerania from the Danish King Harald I and his son Sweyn. They may have acted in cooperation with the Wolinian autonomous entity. The Danish were defeated ca. 991 and their ruler was expelled. The dynastic alliance with Sweden had probably affected the equipment and composition of Mieszko's troops. Perhaps at that time the Varangian warriors were recruited; their presence is indicated by archaeological excavations in the vicinity of Poznan. In 982 Emperor Otto 2 suffered a disastrous defeat against the Saracens in Italy. The resulting weakness of the imperial power was exploited by the Lutici, who initiated a great uprising of the Polabian Slavs in 983. The German authority in the area ceased to exist and the Polabian tribes began to threaten the Empire. The death of Otto 2 at the end of that year contributed further to the unrest. Ultimately the Lutici and the Obotrites were able to liberate themselves from the German rule for the next two centuries. The Emperor left a minor successor, Otto 3. The right to care for him and the regency powers were claimed by Henry 2 of Bavaria. Like in 973, Mieszko and the Czech duke Boleslav II took the side of the Bavarian duke. This fact is confirmed in the chronicle of Thietmar: There arrived (at the Diet of Quedlinburg) also, among many other princes: Mieszko, Msciwoj and Boleslav and promised to support him under oath as the king and ruler. In 984 the Czechs took over Meissen, but in the same year Henry 2 gave up his pretension to the German throne. The role played by Mieszko 1 in the subsequent struggles is unclear because the contemporary sources are scarce and not in agreement. Probably in 985 the Polish ruler ended his support for the Bavarian duke and moved to the side of the Emperor. It is believed that Mieszko's motivation was the threat posed to his interests by the Polabian Slavs uprising. The upheaval was a problem for both Poland and Germany, but not for Bohemia. In the Chronicle of Hildesheim, in the entry for the year 985 it is noted that Mieszko came to help the Saxons in their fight against some Slavic forces, presumably the Polabians. One year later, the Polish ruler had a personal meeting with the Emperor, an event mentioned in the Annals of Hersfeld: Otto the boy-king ravaged Bohemia, but received Mieszko who arrived with gifts. According to Thietmar and other contemporary chronicles the gift given by Mieszko to the Emperor was a camel. The meeting consolidated the Polish-German alliance, with Mieszko joining Otto's expedition against a Slavic land, which together they wholly devastated (...) with fire and tremendous depopulation. It is not clear which Slavic territory was invaded. Perhaps another raid against the Polabians took place. But there are indications that it was an expedition against the Czechs, Mieszko's first against his southern neighbors. Possibly on this occasion the Duke of the Polans accomplished the most significant expansion of his state, the take-over of Lesser Poland. The Thietmar's relation however raises doubts as to whether the joined military operation actually happened. The chronicler claims that a settlement was then concluded between the Emperor and the Bohemian ruler Boleslav 2 the Pious, which is not mentioned in any other source and is contrary to the realities of the political situation at that time. Another debatable point is Thietmar's claim that Mieszko subordinated himself to the King. Most historians believe that it was only a matter of recognition of Otto's royal authority. Some suggest that a fealty relationship could in fact be involved. Whether or not the German-Polish invasion of Bohemia actually happened, the friendly relations between the Czechs and the Poles came to an end. Bohemia resumed its earlier alliance with the Lutici, which caused in 990 a war with Mieszko, who was supported by Empress Theophanu. Duke Boleslav 2 was probably the first one to attack. As a result of the conflict Silesia was taken over by Poland. However, the annexation of Silesia possibly took place around 985, because during this year the major Piast strongholds in Wroclaw, Opole and Glog?w were already being built. The issue of the incorporation of Lesser Poland is also not completely resolved. Possibly Mieszko took the region before 990, which is indicated by the vague remark of Thietmar, who wrote of a country taken by Mieszko from Boleslav. In light of this theory, the conquest of Lesser Poland could be a reason for the war, or its first stage. Many historians suggested that the Czech rule over Lesser Poland was only nominal and likely limited to the indirect control of Krak?w and perhaps a few other important centers. This theory is based on the lack of archaeological discoveries, which would indicate major building investments undertaken by the Bohemian state. Lesser Poland supposedly after its incorporation had become the partition of the country assigned to Mieszko's oldest son, Boleslaw, which is indirectly indicated in the chronicle of Thietmar. Some historians, on the basis of the chronicle of Cosmas of Prague, believe that the conquest of the lands around the lower Vistula River took place after Mieszko's death, specifically in 999. There is also a theory according to which during this transition period Lesser Poland was governed by Boleslaw Chrobry, whose authority was granted to him by the Bohemian duke. At the end of his life (ca. 991-92), Mieszko 1, together with his wife Oda and their sons, issued a document called Dagome iudex, where the Polish ruler placed his lands under the protection of the Pope and described their borders. Only a later imprecise summary of the document has been preserved. There are two main theories concerning reasons behind the issuing of Dagome iudex: According to the first theory the document was an effort to transform the existing missionary bishopric into a regular organization of the Catholic Church, that would cover all of Mieszko's state. This understanding implies that the arrangement led to payment by Poland of Peter's Pence. The second theory assumes that the document was created in order to protect the interests of Mieszko's second wife Oda and their sons (who were named in the document) after Mieszko's death. Boleslaw, Mieszko's eldest son, whose mother was Dobrawa, was not named in the document. However, one of Mieszko's and Oda's sons, Swietopelk, also was not mentioned. Dagome iudex is of capital importance for Polish history because it gives a general description of the Polish state's geographical location at the end of Mieszko's reign. During his last years of life Mieszko remained loyal to the alliance with the Holy Roman Empire. In 991 he arrived at a gathering in Quedlinburg, where he participated in the customary exchange of gifts with Otto 3 and Empress Theophanu. In the same year he took part in a joint expedition with the young king to Brandenburg. Mieszko died on 25 May 992. Sources give no reasons to believe that his death occurred from causes other than natural. According to Thietmar the Polish ruler died in an old age, overcame with fever. Probably he was buried in the Poznan Cathedral. The remains of the first historical ruler of Poland have never been found and the place of his burial is not known with certainty. In 1836?1837 a cenotaph was built for Mieszko I and his successor Boleslaw 1 the Brave in the Golden Chapel (Polish: Zlota Kaplica) at the Poznan Cathedral, where the damaged remains found in the 14th century tomb of Boleslaw were placed. According to Thietmar Mieszko I divided his state before his death among a number of princes. They were probably his sons: Boleslaw I the Brave, Mieszko and Lambert. In 1999 the archeologist Hanna K?cka-Krenz located what's left of Mieszko's palace-chapel complex in Poznan. According to Gallus Anonymus, before becoming a Christian Mieszko had seven pagan wives, whom he had to get rid of as he married Dobrawa. Nothing is known for sure of any children from these relationships. Some sources show the possibility that Adelajda or Adleta (b. 950/60 ? d. aft. 997), first wife of Duke Mih?ly of Gran (Esztergom) and then wife of her brother-in-law G?za, Grand Prince of the Magyars, was Mieszko's daughter (born from a chronological point of view from one of the pagan wives) and not his sister as is given in the majority of web sources. In 965, before his baptism, Mieszko married Dobrawa (b. 940/45 ? d. 977), daughter of Boleslav I the Cruel, Duke of Bohemia. They had two children: 1.Boleslaw I the Brave (Chrobry) (b. 967 ? d. 17 June 1025). 2.Swietoslawa (Sigrid) (b. 968/72 ? d. ca. 1016), married first to Eric the Victorious, King of Sweden and later to Sweyn Forkbeard, King of Denmark. From her second marriage, she probably was the mother of Cnut the Great, King of Denmark, Norway and England. According to one hypothesis there was another daughter of Mieszko, married to a Pomeranian Slavic Prince; she could be a daughter of Dobrawa or of one of the previous pagan wives. Also, a theory exists (apparently based on Thietmar and supported by Oswald Balzer in 1895) that Vladivoj, who ruled as Duke of Bohemia in 1002?1003, was a son of Mieszko and Dobrawa. Although most modern historians reject this claim, Bohemian historiography supported the Piast parentage of Vladivoj. In 978/79 Mieszko I married Oda (b. 955/60 ? d. 1023), daughter of Dietrich of Haldensleben, Margrave of the Northern March. She was abducted by her future husband from the monastery of Kalbe. They had three sons: 1.Mieszko (b. ca. 979 ? d. aft. 992/95). 2.Swietopelk (b. ca. 980 ? d. bef. 991?). 3.Lambert (b. ca. 981 ? d. aft. 992/95). After a struggle for power between Boleslaw 1 and Oda with her minor sons (Boleslaw's half-brothers), the eldest son of Mieszko 1 took control over all of his father's state and expelled his stepmother and her sons from Poland. | av Polen, Mieszko "Mieszko 1" (I4570)
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719 | A. Jon Blix och bodde i Jämtland nämnd 1350 talet i övrigt okänd, däremot är hans son sannolikt Magnus Blixe . Att en gammal frälse släkt med tillnamnet Blix funnits i Jämtland redan år 1410 framgår av Jämtarnas Skuldbrev brev, (DN XVI: 60) Där Magnus Blixe är omnämnd. och hans bror ”Laurens i Uppland” Laurens Jonsson Blix. Källa: En Blix släkt av Evald Rygh Jon Blix hade sönerna: 1. Magnus Blixe, Känd 1410, belagd i brev SDHK- 17468. Tillhör Blix familjens -Ångsta -Faxnälden grenen (DN XVI: 60). 2.Laurens Jonsson ägde flera gårdar och var en av de största skinnexportörer (päls exportörer) i Jämtland. Den Dunderhake gren av Hovsjö familjen som härstammar från Laurens Jonsson (Blix) dokumenteras i avtalet mellan drottningen och den jämtländska folket i Mordviken år 1410. Tillhör Blix familjens - Klockås grenen: Jämtarnes brev, (DN XVI: 60). Blix-släkten, Ångsta-Faxnäldengrenen: Samfadern B. Magnus Blixe, hvis son C. Joan Magnusson i Ångsta, hvis son D. Guttorm Joansson i Ågnsta, hvis son E. Olaf Guttormsson i Faxnälden, hvis son F. Joen Olafsson i Faxnälden (Blix), hvis son G. Mogens Joensson (Blix). B. Magnus Blixes barn: 1. Joan Magnusson i Ångsta, Lockne. Känd år 1426 då han stadsfäste försöljningen av Mjösjö i Sundsjö socken till Anund Michelsson i Unby (DN XIV:42) (En Blix släkt av Evald Rygh). 2.Svein Magnusson. Han var nämd 1426 i Ångsta, Lockne (En Blix släkt av Evald Rygh). 3. Olaf Magnusson. Han var nämnd 1418, 1426 och 1435 i Ångsta, Lockne. I Diplom (DN I:245) från 1435, nämns en Olaf med sonen Guttorm (En Blix släkt av Evald Rygh). C. Joan Magnusson var belagd i detta medeltida brev SDHK-nr 20631, och DN XIV:42, från 18 feb 1426 som Joan i Ångsta. Han stadfäster på Elines, sin svärmoders, vägnar försälningen av Mjösjö i Sundsjö socken i Jämtland till Vilhelm Svenungsson. Där omtalas en Joan i från Ångsta, Lockne Socken och hans avlidna svågrar Björn och Philip Gutzesöner (Guttorms söner), och deras Moder Eline (Roger de Robelin i boken Skanke ätten s.326 och s.438). Joan var känd i Ångsta, Lockne var gift före 1426 med N.N. Guttormsdotter, dotter till Guttorm i Ångsta från Ope ätten. Känd år 1410 med hustru Eline, ( DN XVI: 60) N.N. Guttormsdotter var dotter till Guttorm Torbjörnsson (Ope ätten) är nämnd åren 1396-1418 (Skanke ätten av Roger de Robelin s.438). Joan Magnusson var även belagd som - Joan i Ångsta - i medeltida brevet SDHK-nr 19057, daterad den 13 mar 1418. Nämnd som en av Fastarna i detta brev. Joan är belagd i detta brev DN II:636 datum 25 Mars 14l8. Joan finns med som vittne i detta brev också. Joan Magnusson och N.N. Guttormsdotter hade sönerna: 1. Magnus Joansson är belagd och nämnd i medeltida brevet daterat 19 maj 1443 (DN III:775). Han står som Magnus Jonson i Ångsta. Namnet Magnus med senare former Mogens och Måns är mycket ovanligt i diplomen, frånsett i just Blixsläkten (Evald Rygh faxnälden-släkten, En Blix-släkt). 2. Guttorm Joansson i Ångsta, Lockne. D. Guttorm Joansson i Ångsta, Lockne. Död senast 1494. Guttorm i Ångsta, Lockne. Känd under åren 1483-1494, som bl.a. enligt ett medeltida brev SDHK-nr. 31849 från 1487 i en 12-manna nämnd tilldömts arvet efter hustru Radgerd i Faxnälden. Radgerd skall ha sagt att hon inte hade någon närmare arvinge än Guttorm i Ångsta och att han var hennes 3-männing på manslinjen, medan Peder i Kingsta var 4-männing på kvinnolinjen. I diplomet nr 108:II från 1475, nämns Guttorm söner bröderna Johan Guttormsson och Olaf Guttormsson (Evald Rygh faxnälden-släkten, En Blix-släkt). Gutrtorm känd 1483-1487(DN XIV:168) 1487 då han tilldömdes arvet efter Radgerd i Faxnälden som han var besläktad med på sin faders sida var gift med N.N. Olofsdotter dotter av Olof i Ångsta som var känd 1410 med hustrun Eline. Hade sönerna: 1. Faste Guttormsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Finns belagd i medeltida brevet SDHK-nr: 36562, datum 23 aug 1509, Ort: Brunflo, Utfärdare: Faste Guttormsson. Innehåll: Faste Guttormsson ger sin brorson Nils Olsson sitt köpegods Berga. Faste Guttormsson i Ångsta är också belagd i medeltida brevet SDHK-nr 33110, datum sep 1494 till 1509. Utfärdare: Redar i Genvalla, Erik Bengtsson, Johan i Vik, Magnus Olsson i Valla och hustru Valborg. Innehåll: Redar i Genvalla, Erik Bengtsson, Johan i Vik, Magnus Olsson i Valla och hustru Valborg intygar att Faste (Guttormsson) i Angestad givit Kerstin i Stavre åtskilliga husgeråd och andra lösören, därför att denna avstod sina anspråk på arvsrätt i Faxnälden (Fasxälven) till vilket de båda var arvingar. Magnus Olsson m.fl. beseglar. Original: perg. RA 0101 odat. nr 223. Tryckt: DN XV nr 115; JHD II nr 258. Litteratur: Faste var död 1509 1105 (DN XIV nr 231). 2. Olaf Guttormsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Död efter 1501, var belagd i detta Medeltida brevet SDHK-nr 34292. 3. Filip Guttromsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Omnämns i Pergamensbrevet SDHK-nr år 1494. SDHK-nr 33036, daterat 1494 odat. (1494-1502), Utfärdare: Filip Guttormsson. Innehåll:Filip Guttormsson erkänner att han till sin bror Faste sålt sin egendom i Angilstad (Ångsta) för 14 1/2 jämtska mark i silver, koppar m.m. och försäkrar att brodern skall äga gården för all framtid. 5 vittnen namnges. Kyrkoherde Lars (Iliansson) i Brunflo och Lars i Loke beseglar. Original: Perg. RA 0101 odat. nr 222,Tryckt:DN XV nr 114; JHD II nr 257. Litteratur och kommentar: Faste Guttormsson uppträder först i urkundsmaterialet 1494, var död 1509 1105; fadern Guttorm levde ännu 1487 (DN XIV nr 168). Lars Iliansson kyroherde i Brunflo 1487-1502. Hänvisning till annat brev, JHD II, nr 197, 232, 258. 4. Torbjörn Guttormsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Känd under åren 1504-1535 (DN III:1066). 5. Joen Guttormsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Känd under åren 1507-1509. Hans son Erik Joensson i Ångsta känd under åren 1539-1548. Hans barn Karin Eriksdotter säljer sin arvedel i Ångsta till sin bror Per Eriksson 1574 (RA orginal perg. Ångsta) (Roger de Robelin i boken Skanke ätten s.326 tab.1). E. Olaf Guttormsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Känd 1494-1513 (DN XIV:230). Död efter 1513. Gift med okänd kvinna, de hade sönerna Joen Olafsson och Nils Olafsson. Olaf var belagd i detta Medeltida brev från 1501, SDHK-nr 34292. Datum: 1501, Ort: Sprotedet. Utfärdare: Olaf Guttormsson och Lars Johansson, Språk: norska. Innehåll: Olaf Guttormsson och Lars Johansson tillkännager att de delat halva Faxnälden och tagit hälften var. Sigillen borta (Medeltida avskrifter A 9 a 3:6 Tryckt: HD II nr 285; SD 4 (dat. 1401)) (Nils Anlund, Jämtlands och Härjedalens historia, I (1948), s.346 not 5 (jfr s. 343ff och 508f). Hänvisning till Jfr JHD II nr 197, 232, 258, 349, 365, 373). Barn: 1. Niels Olafsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Nämnd 1509-1516 - beskedlige Sven - köpte en gård i Berge, Kloxsåsen av Laures Sveinsson (Blix) (DN XIV:231,201,258,261;jfr JHH I sid.355). Var död före 1524. 2. Guttorm Olafsson i Ångsta, Lockne. Nämnd år 1524. 3. Mogens Olafsson i Ångsta. Känd år 1553. 4. N.N. Olafsdotter. Gift med Olof Gunnarsson i Faxnälden, känd under åren 1551–1567. 5. N.N.Olafsdotter. Gift med Olof Lauresson vid Bekken, känd 1506-1529. Köpte Smedås i Myssjö 1517, son av Lars Stavre och Kerstin Öndsdotter känd 1494 (DN XIV:183). 6. Joen Olafsson. Skattebonde i Faxnälden. F. Joen Olafsson, född ca.1510 i Faxälden, Näskott. Skattebonde i Faxnälden känd 1547-1549. Dräpt 1567. Gift med Marit Olofsdotter före 1575 (RA ppr I sparbo 14 okt 1575). Barn: 1. Mogens Joensson (Blix), född omkr.1540 i Faxälden, Näskott. Kaplan i Oviken under åren 1553-1556. Nämnd åren 1553 och 1567 gift med Elisabeth Eriksdotter, dotter till kyrkoherden Erik Jensen i Sunne känd 1567-1570 bonde i Faxnälden (Carl Ruben Carlsson Släktregister I Skuncke (1978) s.106). 2. Nils Joensson (Blix), levde 1575 (RA ppr I sparbo 14 okt 1575). 3. Olof Joensson (Blix). Länsman i Offerdal. Hans ättlingar antog namnet Blix (Henning Sollied, Blixerne av Jämtland, NST III sid 74, och 91,92). Kilde: https://hernelind.wordpress.com/adels-slakten-blix-ursprung/ | Olafson, Joen (I5785)
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720 | A/S Grong Gruber var et privat gruveselskap opprettet i 1912 for å utnytte Joma-forekomsten av svovelkis. Forekomsten lå i Røyrvik, Nord-Trøndelag fylke, og var en del av det større Grongfeltet. Man hadde i 1909 oppdaget drivverdige forekomster i Gjersvik, og opprettet under ledelse av ingeniør Johan Støre, kontorer i Namsos og i Gjersvik, samt ny vei fra Namdalen, over Steinfjellet til Gjersvik. Den nye selskapet, eid av Elkem med fransk deltakelse, fikk konsesjon i 1913. Driften ble igangsatt, men kollapset ved utbruddet av den første verdenskrig i 1914. Endel bygninger, dokument og gjenstander fra denne epoken er tatt vare på av Røyrvik Bygdatun. Grongloven av 1918 ga Staten enerett, og denne overtok straks eierskapet i 1918. | Brinchmann, Christoffer Bernhoft (I1830)
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721 | Aage var gift 1.gang med Marie Boyesdatter (Rivers) (1713-1743). Aage og Maren Anna hadde 2 døtre. | Family: Aage Larsen Birck / Maren Anna Møller, "Birck" (F9991)
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722 | Aagebergveien 16 | Hoff, Elen Rosenberg (I1763)
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723 | Aagot Brinchmann in memoriam. Kort før jul gikk en av våre eldste speiderpiker bort. Hun deltok i jubileumsleiren og var ennå like ivrig når hun bare kunne hjelpe speiderne på en eller annen måte. Aagot Brinchmann var en av foregangs-speiderjentene her hos oss. Hun var entusiast, ivrig, energisk og full av pågangsmot i de første vanskelige årene. Hun var en av de få voksne som så og forstod klart hvor mye speidersaken kunne bety for de unge piker, og hun var heller ikke redd for å ta et tak for saken, alltid villig hva det enn varfor arbeide hun ble bedt om å utføre. Vi som nå framleis står i arbeidet takker henne for det gode døme hun har vært for oss og all den gode hjelp hun i årenes løp har gitt vårt forbund. Måtte Gud signe henne i evighet. Dagmar Maalstad. Kilde: http://leksikon.speidermuseet.no/wiki/Fil:1949_Lederbladet_2_Aagot_Brinchmann_001.jpg | Bakke, Aagot "Brinchmann" (I6205)
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724 | Aaret 1615 under "Sagefald aff geistlige Personer" anføres følgende: "Hr. Anfindt Christophersen Holck for hand belaae sin troloffuede Fæstemøe Katrinne Jacobsdatter bøder to Rixdaler." Jacob Holck har sikkert været deres Søn, opkaldt efter sin Morfader. | Holck, Jacob (I11393)
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725 | Aarstad | Klinge, Nora Valborg "Dahlström" (I10051)
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726 | Aase Bye og Trygve J. B. Hoffs fond til vitenskapelig, medisinsk forskning. Fondets formål er å fremme a) utforskning av øyesykdommer, både hva gjelder morfologi, patofysiologi, klinikk, epidemiologi og behandling b) utvikling av hjertesykdommenes kirurgiske behandling c) utvikling av fagområdet ortopedisk kirurgi. Det vil være adgang til utdeling av en pris, eller av bidrag til planlagt eller pågående forskning. | Family: Trygve Jacob Broch Hoff / Aase Synnøve Bye (F3657)
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727 | Aase Nordre i Fladdahls Annex i Bratsberg amt i Seljord/Sillejord prestegjeld. Under folketellingen i 1801 finner vi blant annet disse på Aase Nordre: Kittil Stenersen, 39 år gammel Huusbonde og Gaardbruger og i sitt 2det ægteskab, Hans kone Bergith Evensdatter, 34 år gammel og i sitt 1ste ægteskab. Barna nevnt på gården: Jørgen Kittilsen 10 år. Steener Kittilsen 2 år. De har også Tieneste folk: Joen Reyersen 36 år, Margith Olsdatter 25 år, Ingeborg Torkildsdatter 23 år og Knud Gundersen 22 år. Sistnevnte står som National soldat. | Stenersen Aase, Kittil (I11131)
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728 | Aasen-eie | Knudsen Aasen, Knud (I11785)
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729 | Aasen-eie. Døde meget fattig. | Larsdatter Oxhud, Karen (I11601)
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730 | Aasenhusbakken. | Arnesdatter Solberg, Marit "Aasenhus" (I1551)
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731 | Aasgaard | Adamsen Berent, Thomas (Tommes) "Aasgaard" (I10927)
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732 | Aasmund er nevnt som bruker på Berget i 1699, 1710 og 1724. Det var trolig samme Aasmund som ble nevnt som tjener på Lillemo i 1645. | Berget, Aasmund (I4089)
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733 | Aasta ble begravet ved siden av sin mann på Havsten kirkegård mandag 25.juli 1988. Sermonien i kirken startet klokka 13. | Lorentzen, Aasta "Aune" (I74)
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734 | Aasta blir nevnt i brevet. Der er alt bra, skriver Klara, og de har slaktet grisen sin. Atle har søkt jobb i byen som kontorist for å komme seg fram i karrieren. De har derimot ikke lyst til å flytte fra Agle skriver Klara om Aunes, men Dutte (Atle jr.) går i 7.klasse og skal inn på middelskolen til høsten, og dette forsvarer også en flytting til byen. | Family: Atle Aune / Aasta Lorentzen, "Aune" (F75)
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735 | Aasta jobbet hos dem som drev teateret i byen (senere Trøndelag teater). Hun og søsteren Ingeleiv fikk billetter til et teaterstykke, en komedie. Billettene var på 2.rad midt foran scenen. Stykket var morsomt, og Aasta lo så mye at hun dunket til fyren som satt foran dem i ryggen. Løstennene for ut av munnen på mannen. Han snudde seg og sa: Farken ta deg vetj (=jente). | Lorentzen, Aasta "Aune" (I74)
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736 | Aasta og Atle Aune giftet seg samtidig med Aastas bror Ragnar og hans Härdis den 15.oktober 1921. Et dikt ble lest til deres bryllup i anledning regnværsdagen: Regn, regn, pøsende regn. Man skulle tro, de fire måtte til kirken ro. Men, bort fra regnet til hovedsaken: Vi ønsker de fire tillykke med dagen. Selvfølgelig regnet det denne dagen.. Fra kirkeboka: Atle var telegrafist med adresse H. Hagerupsgt. 3. Hans far var malermester Ole M. Aune, og forloveren var Ragnar Lorentzen. Aasta var hjemmeboende hos sine foreldre på Selsbak, og hennes forlover var Härdis Eklund. Lysningsdato i kirken var 9.oktober. | Family: Atle Aune / Aasta Lorentzen, "Aune" (F75)
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737 | Aasta takker for aviser og rabarbra hun har mottatt fra de i Hommelvik. Hun ber dem også om å sende flere Dagsposten. De har vært forkjølet alle fire, men har tenkt å komme seg til Hommelvik på besøk, og skal da ha med seg litt elgkjøtt. Hun skriver også om det kommende bryllupet til Petra og Herbjørn, og at hun og Atle trolig ikke få kommet seg til dette. Hun er glad for at søsteren Ruth kan gi brudeparet så mye. | Family: Herbjørn Grønlie Haugnæss / Petra Ellinor Eide, "Haugnæss" / "Dehn" (F361)
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738 | Aasta takker for aviser og rabarbra hun har mottatt fra de i Hommelvik. Hun ber dem også om å sende flere Dagsposten. De har vært forkjølet alle fire, men har tenkt å komme seg til Hommelvik på besøk, og skal da ha med seg litt elgkjøtt. Hun skriver også om det kommende bryllupet til Petra og Herbjørn, og at hun og Atle trolig ikke få kommet seg til dette. Hun er glad for at søsteren Ruth kan gi brudeparet så mye. | Family: Oskar (Oscar) Lorentzen / Klara (Clara) Hugaas, "Lorentzen" (F13)
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739 | Aasta takker for aviser og rabarbra hun har mottatt fra de i Hommelvik. Hun ber dem også om å sende flere Dagsposten. De har vært forkjølet alle fire, men har tenkt å komme seg til Hommelvik på besøk, og skal da ha med seg litt elgkjøtt. Hun skriver også om det kommende bryllupet til Petra og Herbjørn, og at hun og Atle trolig ikke få kommet seg til dette. Hun er glad for at søsteren Ruth kan gi brudeparet så mye. | Family: Atle Aune / Aasta Lorentzen, "Aune" (F75)
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740 | Abbey of Prum. | av Franken, Lothar (Lothaire) "Lothar 1" (I3638)
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741 | Abel ble valgt til konge og kronet sammen med sin dronning i Roskilde 1.november 1250. Under en ekspedisjon mot friserne for å tvinge igjennom skattekrav, led Abel nederlag, og ble drept under flukt 29.juni 1252 ved Husum Bro ut for halvøya Ejdersted. Da Abel ble drept oppholdt hans eldste og halvvoksne sønn Valdemar seg i Frankrike. Han skyndte seg hjem for å overta kronen, men ble arrestert av erkebiskopen av Køln, Konrad Lotharsen av Ahr-Hochstaden. Her ble han holdt som fange, inntil de schauenburgske grever av Holsten betalte løsepengene for ham i 1253. Da han kom til Danmark, var Abels lillebror Kristoffer imidlertid blitt valgt til konge. Herved var grunnen lagt for en strid mellom den eldre og yngre linje av kongehuset, som kom til at vare i flere årtier. Kristoffer ble kronet i Lund Domkirke 1.juledag 1252. Etter Abels død gikk hans enke dronning Mechthilde i kloster, men forlot det senere igen. I 1261 giftet hun seg på ny, denne gang med Birger Jarl av Sverige. | Valdemarsen av Danmark, Abel (I4927)
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742 | Abel var enke etter Jacob Nielsen (Barfod) når hun giftet seg med Erik. | Family: Erik Eriksen Blix / Abel Frandsdatter Frøling (F2906)
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743 | Abel, nest eldste sønn av Valdemar og Bengjerd, ble gift med Mechtilde, datter av Adolf 4 av Holstein. Abel var innsatt av faren til hertug av Sønderjylland i 1232 og med ekteskapet med Mechthilde, som var inngått mot farens vilje, kom han i motsetningsforhold til Erik. Det var i 1237 at Abel giftet seg med Mechthilde, datter aa grev Adolf 4. av Holsten. Da Adolf 4. trakk seg tilbake til et franciskansk kloster samme år, var Abel i flere år formynder for sine mindreårige svogere Johan og Gerhard. På grund af Mechthildes afstamning bidrog ægteskabet til stor holstensk indflydelse på Abels og den senere Abelslægts sønderjyske hertugdømme. Som hertug af Slesvig kom Abel i strid med sin bror Erik Plogpenning. Ved Valdemar Seiers død i 1241 ble Abels bror, Erik, konge etter deres far. I de følgende år lå Abel i strid med sin storebror for at oppnå større uavhengighet for sitt sønderjyske hertugdømme. Det var anledningen til en mangeårig borgerkrig, hvor blant andet Randers ble brent av Abels tropper. Stridighetene fortsatte inntil Abel og Eriks søster Markgrevinde Sophie av Brandenburg forhandlet på plass en skrøpelig våpenhvile. Kong Erik Plogpenning ble drept i 1250, under et besøk hos Abel, og Abel ble mistenkt for at stå bak. Abel bedyret sin uskyld i Erik`s død og avla ed sammen med 24 av sine riddere ved landstinget i Viborg. Deretter ble Abel hyllet som konge. På grunn av mordet på broren ble følgende vers diktet om kong Abel: Abel af navn, Kain af gavn. | Valdemarsen av Danmark, Abel (I4927)
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744 | Abelone var husholderske hos en gammel rik enke i et herskapshus i hovedgaten i Molde. Karoline var tjenestepike samme sted. På våren 1867 dør enkemadam Maren Regisia Mahle, og både Abelone og Karoline var nå uten arbeid. Abelone var nå 70 år og pensjonist, og leide seg et rom i byen. Karoline valgte da å reise nordover til Vardø. | Høyem, Abelone Johanna (I1454)
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745 | Abelone var husholderske hos en gammel rik enke i et herskapshus i hovedgaten i Molde. Karoline var tjenestepike samme sted. På våren 1867 dør enkemadam Maren Regisia Mahle, og både Abelone og Karoline var nå uten arbeid. Abelone var nå 70 år og pensjonist, og leide seg et rom i byen. Karoline valgte da å reise nordover til Vardø. | Monsen, Karoline Johanne Krantz "Bertheussen" (I20380)
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746 | Abigael ble gift senere med Westgård. | Family: Jonas Angell Jørgensen Bernhoft / Johanna Abigael Lemvig, "Bernhoft" / "Westgård" (F1437)
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747 | Absalon Pedersen Beyer skriver i sin dagbok under 19.februar 1572: Natten til den 20 dag Februarij ved tre slet om natten døde Carnelius borgemesters søn i Trondhiem her vdi byen hos sin søster Anna, Giert Borgersøns. Same tid døde och hustru Synniue, Oluff Maansons hustru, Kirstines moder, Oluff Sögns hustru, hues dotter for Cornelius skulde hafft til hustrw, han skulde oc haffd Marine Fransis dotter, men det slo aff igjen, han hafde oc giuit henne goffuer. Cornelius døde altså kl.3 natt til 20.februar 1572 i Bergen hos sin søster Anna. Tydeligvis hadde han fridd til en datter av Oluf Sögn, og dennes kone Kristine, hvis mor Synnøve døde omtrent samtidig med Cornelius. Marine Fransdatter hadde vel gitt han kurven. Cornelius døde mest sannsynlig ugift. | Adriansen Falkener, Cornelius (I2062)
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748 | Absalon Pedersen Beyer skriver i sin dagbok under datoen 12.oktober 1567: Døde noch en aff Adrians søner, som er borgemester vdi Trondhiem... | Adriansen Falkener, NN (I6003)
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749 | Absalon Pederssen omtaler biskop Jens Schjeldrup som en jydsk mann. | Pedersen Schjelderup, Jens (I1897)
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750 | Absalon Pedersson Beyer ble tidlig foreldreløs, og da han var 6 år gammel sendte onkelen ham til Bergen for å begynne på den lærde skole, der han gikk til han var 12-15 år. Biskop Gjeble Pedersson, som var Norges første protestantiske biskop, la merke til hans begavelse, og tok ham til seg som sin egen. Gjeble Pederssøn ble født ca.1490 på Helgeland. Etter noen studieår i utlandet, hvor han tok magistergraden, slo han seg ned i Bergen. Først virket han som magister og leder for den lærde skolen (forløper for Kathedralskolen). I 1518 ble han kannik og prest ved Maria-kirken. I 1536 ble Gjeble Pederssøn valgt til katolsk biskop i Bergen. Men han rakk ikke å bli innviet i dette embete før reformasjonen var et faktum. I spissen for domkapitlet sitt sluttet han seg til kong Kristian 3's kirkepolitikk. I 1537 ble han så innviet til Bergens første protestantiske biskop. Gjeble Pederssøn var på mange måter en mann forut for sin tid. Sett i lys av at han var utnevnt, først til katolsk og senere til protestantisk biskop, skulle en tro at han var en kontroversiell person i det gamle Bergen. Men han var tvert imot en høyt aktet mann i sin samtid. Noen fanatisk anti-katolikk ble han aldri. Han for lempelig frem. På en klok og heldig måte fikk han innført den nye kirkeorden i Bergen Stift. Kongen satte ham meget høyt og lønnet ham rikelig. Gjeble Pederssøn brukte sine inntekter til å drive latinskolen. Her arbeidet han for å utdanne luthersk opplærte og humanistisk dannede geistlige i Norge. I det hele tok biskopen seg av kirkens skole med stor kjærlighet og interesse. Undertiden drev han selv undervisningen. Han sørget for skolemestrene og sikret dem bedre inntekter. Dessuten hjalp og støttet han fremmelige elever, både under skolegangen og senere, når de reiste til København for å studere. Så sant han kunne, hjalp han dem også når de etter endt utdannelse søkte prestekall. Bispegården hans var et fristed for evnerik ungdom. I 1555 ble Gjeble Pederssøn rammet av slag og søkte derfor om å få gå av. Men kongen svarte at han skulle beholde sitt embete så lenge han levde. 2 år senere døde han. Gjeble Pederssøn, som var ugift, var som nevnt velgjører for mange unge, begavede menn. En av dem, Absalon Beyer, ble hans pleiesønn. Ung og foreldreløs ble han sendt til Bergen av en onkel, som fikk ham opptatt som elev ved latinskolen i 1534. Her tok biskopen seg av ham og sendte ham senere til København og Wittenberg for å studere. | Pedersen Beyer, Absalon (I3248)
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