Notes:

Died:
Ingegjerds levninger hviler ifølge enkelt kilder sammen med maken i en sarkofag i St.Sofia-katedralen, mens Sofia-katedralen i Novgorod også hevder å ha hennes relikvier.
Denne kirken med samme navn som katedralen i Kiev hadde Jaroslav og Ingegjerds sønn Vladimir som byggherre. Novgorod er da også stedet hvor helgenkulten oppstod. Sovjetiske forskere åpnet sarkofagen i Kiev i 1939 og undersøkte innholdet.

Det velbevarte kraniet som antas å være Ingegjerds var hva frenologene noe tvilsomt kalte for en nordisk type, massivt og tungt med en elliptisk form. Pannen var ikke særskilt høy og hadde en gjennomsnittlig helning. Nesen var sterkt framtredende med en smal neserot. Haken var av gjennomsnittlig storhet, men markant framtredende. Tennene ble bedømt som ganske godt bevart.
Jaroslav ble målt til ha vært ca.172 cm og Ingegjerd ca.162 cm lang.

Kildene til Ingegjerds liv er fåtallige og opplysningene om hennes opphøyelse til helgen er ikke entydige, men ifølge Den ortodokse kirkes tradisjon ble Ingegjerd etter sin død opphøyd til helgen, som den hellige Anna av Novgorod. Navnet Anna fikk hun da hun på sine gamle dager gikk i kloster; det er nemlig vanlig at den som tonsureres, får et nytt navn.
Ingegjerd ansees som Sveriges første ortodokse helgen og som landets skytshelgen. Det finnes en svensk-ortodoks menighet som er virksom i Linköping, Norrköping og Örebro, og som kalles Heliga Annas ortodoxa församling.
En bit av hennes relikvier er i år 2009 overført fra Russland til Sverige. Hennes kirkelige festdager er 10.februar og 4.oktober. En liturgisk hymne som synges i forbindelse med feiringen lyder:

Som en himmelskt lysande stjärna framträdde du från Västern. Du förunnades antaga den ortodoxa tron och i den frambragte du en välsignad frukt åt det heliga, ryska landet, heliga, rättrogna furstinna Anna. Du älskade Kristus av allt ditt hjärta och du bevarade hans rättfärdighet och lagar. Då vi i dag firar ditt allraheligaste minne, mottager vi därför genom dina förböner syndernas förlåtelse.

Fra en historisk synsvinkel synes det som om Ingegjerd er blitt forvekslet med Jaroslavs første hustru Anna og som senere ble erklært som en lokal helgen i Novgorod ettersom det var på hennes initiativ man skal igangsatt byggingen av den lokale Sofiakatedralen. Hennes levninger ble også undersøkt av sovjetiske forskere som avgjorde at de tilhørte en yngre kvinne enn Ingegjerd som må ha dødd da hun var rundt 50.

Ingegjerd married Jaroslav av Kiev, "Jaroslav 1" about 1019. Jaroslav (son of Vladimir Basilius av Kiev and Rogneda Rognvaldsdatter) was born about 0978; died about 1054. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Maria married Casimir Karol, "Casimir 1" about 1039. Casimir (son of Mieszko av Polen, "Mieszko 2" and Richiza av Saalfeld og Lothringen) was born on 17 Jun 1015 in Krakow, Polen; died on 28 Nov 1058 in Poznan, Polen. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Ellisiv married Harald Sigurdsen av Norge, "Harald 3" about 1042. Harald (son of Sigurd Halvdansen and Åsta Gudbrandsdatter) was born about 1015 in Ringerike, Buskerud, Viken, Norge; died on 22 Sep 1066 in Stamford Bridge, Yorkshire, England. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Notes:

Died:
Begravet i Villiers Abbey, La-Ferte-Alais, Essonne.

Anastasia married Andreas av Ungarn, "Andreas 1" about 1038. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Anastasia married Henry Capet, "Henry 1" about 1050. Henry was born about Apr 1008 in Champagne-Ardenne, Frankrike; died on 04 Aug 1060 in Frankrike. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Gertrud av Polen. Gertrud (daughter of Mieszko av Polen, "Mieszko 2" and Richiza av Saalfeld og Lothringen) died about 1107. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Kiev, Ukraina

Family/Spouse: Theodora Monomachus. Theodora (daughter of Konstatin Monomachu, "Konstatin 9") died about 1067. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1102, Polen; Hertug, konge.

Notes:

Occupation:
Wladyslaw 1 Herman (c. 1044 – 4 June 1102) was a Duke of Poland from 1079 until his death.

He was the second son of Casimir 1 the Restorer by his wife Maria Dobroniega, daughter of Vladimir the Great, Grand Duke of Kiev.

As the second son, Wladyslaw was not destined for the throne. However, due to the flight from Poland of his older brother Boleslaw 2 the Bold in 1079, he was elevated to the rank of Duke of Poland. Opinions vary on whether Wladyslaw played an active role in the plot to depose his brother or whether he was handed the authority simply because he was the most proper person, being the next in line in the absence of the king and his son Mieszko Boleslawowic.

In 1080, in order to improve the relations between Poland and Bohemia, Wladyslaw married Judith, the daughter of the Duke (and first King from 1085) Vratislaus 2. After this, the foreign policy of the Duke gravitated strongly towards appeasement of the Holy Roman Empire.

He accepted overlordship of the Empire, and when in 1085 while in Mainz the Holy Roman Emperor Henry 4 announced that his brother-in-law Vratislaus 2 to be King of Bohemia and Poland, Wladyslaw did not object. He also never pursued the Royal crown due to his subservient status. Soon after, he was forced by the barons of Poland to recall from exile in Hungary his nephew and rightful heir to the Polish throne, Mieszko Boleslawowic. The young prince accepted the overlordship of his uncle and gave up his hereditary claims in exchange for becoming first in line of succession. Wladyslaw was forced to accept the terms of his nephew, because his eldest and only son at that time, Zbigniew, was illegitimate because he had been born from a union not recognized by the church. Wladyslaw's relations with the Emperor were considerably improved after his second marriage with his sister Judith (also Dowager Queen of Hungary) in 1089.

Wladyslaw abandoned the alliance with Hungary favored by his deposed brother, and joined the anti-Papal camp. Also, he resumed paying tribute for Silesia to Bohemia. In addition Kraków and Cieszyn were ceded to Bohemia, Lubusz Land was lost to Germany while Przemysl Land in the east was lost to Halych-Ruthenia. Wladyslaw did make attempts to regain the control of Pomerania, and through numerous expeditions was temporarily (1090–1091) able to do so.

Although Wladyslaw was formally Dux and an Overlord of Poland, in reality the barons who banished his brother used this victory to strengthen their position. It's not surprising therefore, that within a short time the Duke was forced to give up the government to his Count Palatine, (Polish: wojewoda) a high born noble named Sieciech. Sieciech's administration of the realm was negatively perceived by those of the barons who were not the beneficiaries of the power shift.

The birth of the future Boleslaw 3 completely changed the political situation in Poland. Mieszko Boleslawowic was already 17 at that time and was, by the previous agreement made after his return, the first in line to succeed. In 1089 Mieszko died under mysterious circumstances, probably poisoned on the orders of Sieciech and Duchess Judith-Sophia. Almost immediately, Zbigniew was sent to Germany and placed in the Quedlinburg Abbey. With the idea of forcing his first-born son to take the holy vows, Wladyslaw intended to deprive him of any chance of succession.

In 1090 Sieciech, with help of Polish forces under his command, managed to gain control of Gdansk Pomerania, albeit for a short time. Major towns were garrisoned by Polish troops, the rest were burned, in order to thwart any future resistance. Several months later, however, a rebellion of native elites led to the restoration of the region’s independence from Poland.

Sieciech's tyrannical rule reflected negatively on Wladyslaw, causing a massive political migration out of Poland. In 1093 Silesia rebelled, and the comes Magnus with the assistance of the Bohemian and Polish knights welcomed Zbigniew after he escaped from Germany; however, soon Sieciech captured the prince and imprisoned him. The increasing dissatisfaction in the country forced the release of Zbigniew in 1097. Immediately after this Wladyslaw (after an unsuccessfully retaliatory expedition against Silesia and forced to recognize Zbigniew as the legitimate heir) appointed his sons as commanders of the army which was formed in order to recapture Gdansk Pomerania.

Simultaneously a great migration of Jews from Western Europe to Poland began circa 1096, around the time of the First Crusade. Wladyslaw, a tolerant ruler, attracted the Jews into his domains, and permitted to settle throughout the entire country without restriction.

Soon Zbigniew and Boleslaw decided to join forces and demanded that the reigns of the government should be handed over to them. Wladyslaw agreed to divide the realm between the brothers, each to be granted his own province while he himself kept control of Mazovia and its capital at Plock. Wladyslaw also retained control of the most important cities i.e. Wroclaw, Kraków and Sandomierz. Zbigniew’s province encompassed Greater Poland including Gniezno, Kuyavia, Leczyca and Sieradz. Boleslaw’s territory included Lesser Poland, Silesia and Lubusz Land.

However, Sieciech, alarmed by the evident diminution of his power, began to intrigue against the brothers. Wladyslaw decided to support him against his own sons. Defeated, in 1101 and after the mediation of the Archbishop of Gniezno Martin, the Duke was forced to confiscate Sieciech's properties and exiled him.

Wladyslaw died on 4 June 1102, without resolving the issue of succession, leaving his sons to struggle for supremacy. His body was interned in the Plock Cathedral.

Wladyslaw founded several churches in Poland. Most notably he was the founder of the Romanesque Wawel Cathedral of which the Silver Bells Tower still remains standing. He was also very fond of Saint Giles (Polish: Idzi) to whom he founded no less than 3 churches: in Kraków, Inowlodz and Giebultow. This is attributed to the fact that while his first wife was finally pregnant after six years of childless marriage, the Duke sent rich gifts to the Benedictine monastery of Saint Gilles in southern France, begging for a healthy child. When a boy was born, Wladyslaw began building churches in his honor. According to legend, he also founded a church - on the sand - dedicated to the Virgin Mary, which was later granted to the Carmelites.

Before Wladyslaw took the title of Duke of Poland, probably during the 1070s, he had a relationship with a certain Przeclawa, whose exact origins are unknown, although some sources stated that she belonged to the Prawdzic clan. Her status is also a matter of dispute among the historians: some believed that she only was W?adyslaw's mistress and others asserted that she was his wife, but this union was performed under pagan rituals and in consequence not recognized by the Church as a valid marriage. By 1080, one year after Wladyslaw ascended to the Polish throne, Przeclawa either died or was sent away; it's believed by some sources that after she was dismissed by the Duke, Przeclawa took the veil under the name of Christina (Polish: Krystyna) and died around 1092. This union produced a son:

1. Zbigniew (b. c. 1070/73 – d. c. 1112/14), who was considered illegitimate.

In 1080 Wladyslaw married firstly with Judith (b. c. 1056 – d. 25 December 1086), daughter of Duke (and since 1085 King) Vratislaus 2 of Bohemia. They had one son:

2. Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth (b. 20 August 1086 – d. 28 October 1138).

In 1089 Wladyslaw married secondly with Judith (b. 9 April 1054 – d. 14 March c. 1105), daughter of Henry 3, Holy Roman Emperor and widow of King Solomon of Hungary. They had 4 daughters:

3. Sophia (b. c. 1089 – d. bef. 12 May 1112), married bef. 1108 to Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich, Prince of Volhynia, son of Sviatopolk 2 of Kiev.

4. Agnes (b. c. 1090 – d. 29 December 1127), Abbess of Quedlinburg (1110) and Gandersheim (1111).

5. Adelaide (b. c. 1091 – d. 25/26 March 1127), married bef. 1118 to Dietrich 3, Count of Vohburg and Margrave of the Northern March.

6. NN (b. c. 1092 – d. bef. 1111), married c. 1111 with a Polish lord.

Vladislav married Judith av Böhmen about 1083. Judith (daughter of Vratislav av Böhmen, "Vratislav 2" and Adelheide av Ungarn) was born about 1055; died about 1086. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Gudrød Crovan Haraldsen, "Godred 3". Gudrød (son of Harald Gudrødsen and NN Ragnfrødsdatter) was born about 1030; died about 1095 in Hebridene, Storbritannia. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Adelheide married Vratislav av Böhmen, "Vratislav 2" about 1055. Vratislav (son of Bretislav av Böhmen, "Bretislav 1" and Judith av Böhmen) was born about 1035; died on 14 Jan 1092. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Notes:

Birth:
Vermandois

Died:
Tarsus, Cilicie.

Hugh married Adelaide av Vermandois about 1080. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Kiev, Ukraina

Family/Spouse: Unknown. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Kiev, Ukraina

Family/Spouse: Gyda Haraldsdatter. Gyda (daughter of Harald Godwinson, "Harald 2" and Edgyth) was born in England. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Bef 1102, Polen; Hertug del 1.
• Occupation: Aft 1102, Polen; Hertug del 2.
• Occupation: Aft 1119, Polen; Hertug del 3.

Notes:

Occupation:
Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth (also known as Boleslaus 3 the Wry-mouthed, Polish: Boleslaw 3 Krzywousty) (20 August 1086 – 28 October 1138), was a Duke of Lesser Poland, Silesia and Sandomierz between 1102 and 1107 and over the whole Poland between 1107 and 1138. He was the only child of Prince Wladyslaw 1 Herman and his first wife Judith, daughter of Vratislaus 2 of Bohemia.

Boleslaw began to rule in the last decade of the 11th century, when the central government in Poland was significantly weakened. Wladyslaw 1 Herman fell under the political dependence of the Count palatine Sieciech, who became the real ruler of the country. Backed by their father, Boleslaw and his half-brother Zbigniew finally expelled Sieciech from the country in 1101, after several years of fighting. After the death of Wladyslaw 1 Herman in 1102, two independent states were created ruled by Boleslaw and Zbigniew.

Boleslaw sought to gain Pomerania which caused an armed conflict between the brothers, and forced Zbigniew to flee the country and seek military help from Germany. Boles?aw effectively stopped the intervention of the German King Henry 5 in 1109 and punished Zbigniew by blinding him. This action caused outrage among supporters of Zbigniew, resulting in a political crisis in Poland. Boles?aw once again gained the favor of his subjects with public penance, and made a pilgrimage to the monastery of his patron, Saint Giles, in Hungary.

Boleslaw, like Boleslaw 2 the Generous, based his foreign policy on maintaining good relations with neighboring Hungary and Kievan Rus, with whom he forged strong links through marriage and military cooperation in order to break the political dependence on Germany and his vassal, the King of Bohemia, who in moments of weakness of Polish policy was forced to pay tribute in Silesia. These alliances have allowed Boleslaw to effectively defend the country from invasion by Henry 5 in 1109. Several years later, Boleslaw skillfully took advantage of the dynastic disputes in Bohemia to ensure peace on the south-west border.

Boleslaw devoted the second half of his rule to the conquest of Pomerania. In 1113 he conquered the northern strongholds along Notec, which strengthened the border with the Pomeranians. In subsequent years, he took steps toward the conquest of Pomerania. The resolution of the conflict with the Holy Roman Empire allowed Boleslaw to subordinate Western Pomerania and incorporate Gdansk Pomerania. The military expeditions, carried out in three stages, ended in the 1120s with military and political successes. Integration of the newly annexed lands enabled Boleslaw to build churches and began the process of converting Pomerania. Bishop Otto of Bamberg confirmed the Christianization of Pomerania from 1123 onward.

In the 1130s Boleslaw participated in the dynastic dispute in Hungary. After an unexpected defeat, he was forced to make an agreement with Germany. The Congress of Merseburg of 1135 addressed the issues of Pomerania, Silesian (probably also Polish) sovereignty and the supremacy of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church.

Boleslaw was married twice. His first marriage with the Kievan princess Zbyslava gave him an excuse to intervene militarily in the internal affairs of Russia.

After her death, Boleslaw married to a German noblewoman, Salomea of Berg, which in some way was the cause of changes in Polish foreign policy: in the second half of his rule, the Prince sought to restore diplomatic relations with his western neighbor. His last, and perhaps the most momentous act, was his will and testament known as The Succession Statute in which he divided the country among his sons, leading to almost 200 years of feudal fragmentation of the Polish Kingdom.

Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth has been recognized by historiography as a symbol of Polish political aspirations until well into the 19th century. He also upheld the independence of the Polish archbishopric of Gniezno, despite a temporary failure in the 1130s. Despite undoubted successes, he committed serious political errors, most notably against Zbigniew of Poland, his half-brother. The crime against Zbigniew and his penance for it show Boleslaw’s great ambition as well as his ability to find political compromise.

In 1086 the coronation of Vratislav 2 as King of Bohemia, and his alignment with László 1, King of Hungary, threatened the position of the Polish ruler, Prince Wladyslaw 1 Herman. Therefore, that same year Wladyslaw 1 was forced to recall from Hungarian banishment the only son of Boleslaw 2 the Bold and a rightful heir to the Polish throne, Mieszko Boleslawowic. Upon his return young Boleslawowic accepted the over-lordship of his uncle and gave up his hereditary claim to the crown of Poland in exchange for becoming first in line to succeed him. In return, Wladyslaw 1 Herman granted his nephew the district of Kraków. The situation was further complicated for Wladyslaw 1 Herman by a lack of a legitimate male heir, as his first-born son Zbigniew came from a union not recognized by the church. With the return of Mieszko Boleslawowic to Poland, Wladyslaw 1 normalized his relations with the kingdom of Hungary as well as Kievan Rus (the marriage of Mieszko Boleslawowic to a Kievan princess was arranged in 1088). These actions allowed Herman to strengthen his authority and alleviate further tensions in international affairs.

The lack of a legitimate heir, however, remained a concern for Wladyslaw 1 and in 1085 he and his wife Judith of Bohemia sent rich gifts, among which was a life size statue of a child made of gold, to the Benedictine Sanctuary of Saint Giles in Saint-Gilles, Provence begging for offspring. The Polish envoys were led by the personal chaplain of Duchess Judith, Piotr.

The date of birth of Boleslaw is closely linked with the death of his mother Judith. This fact is evidenced by contemporary sources:

Gallus Anonymus in the Cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum reported that Duchess Judith gave birth to Boleslaw on the day of King Saint Stephen of Hungary (whose feast since the 11th century was celebrated on 20 August). However, the Duchess' health never recovered from childbirth and died on the night of Nativity[18] (i.e. 24–25 December). Gallus did not note the year in his chronicle.

Cosmas of Prague wrote in Latin in his Chronica Boëmorum (Chronicle of Bohemians) that Boleslaw was born 3 days before the death of Judith, who died in 8 Calends of January (25 December) of 1085.

The Kalendarz krakowski said that Duchess Judith died on 24 December 1086, and only indicated that the birth of Boleslaw was in the same year.

The Obituary of the Abbey of Saint-Gilles reported the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.

The Rocznik kapituly krakowskiej (closely related to the Kalendarz krakowski) placed the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.

Historian August Bielowski established Boleslaw's birth on 26 December 1085 and the death of his mother 2 days later, on 28 December. According to him Gallus Anonymus committed 2 errors.
First, instead of the Sunday after the Nativity of the Lord wrote incorrectly in the Sunday of the Nativity. Secondly, he mistaken the day of Saint Stephen (26 December) with the festivities of King Stephen of Hungary (20 August). Both corrections lead to the birth date of Boleslaw on 26 December.
This theory was supported by the fact that in 1085 28 December fell on a Sunday.

Oswald Balzer refuted Bielowski's theory and pointed that Judith's death was on the night between 24–25 December 1086, and the birth of Boleslaw was 4 months before, on 20 August. According to him, if Judith died on the night between 24–25 December, are possible discrepancies in determining the exact date of the event. All known sources who placed the death of Judith, would then right. Gallus wrote that Judith died shortly after giving birth to a son.
Later sources interpret this as a death in childbirth and Cosmas of Prague followed this fact, despite he didn't received the information at first hand. Hence, his mistake would result in this point. In contrast, the right -indicated by Gallus- date of birth of Boleslaw would be 20 August. In the medieval tradition the year began on 25 December. In that case, the reports of Cosmas must be concluded that Boleslaw was born yet in 1085. This information, however, was in contradiction with the reports of the Kalendarz krakowski, who gave the year 1086. Judith was styled by the authors of the Kalendarz as regina Polonia (Queen of Poland in Latin), and this title could be associated with her father's coronation as King of Bohemia and Poland on 15 June 1086 (according to Cosmas). Karol Maleczynski refuted the arguments of Balzer, who accepted the date of the coronation of Vratislav II given by Cosmas.[19] However, most researchers indicates that the coronation took place on 15 June 1085, so Judith could be called Queen a year earlier.

Karol Maleczynski determined that the death of Judith took place on the night between 24–25 December 1085, and Boleslaw was born four months before, on 20 August. Researchers found that the date given by the Rocznik kapituly krakowskiej (24 December 1086) was the same established by Cosmas (25 December 1085). The difference in the year could be explained in the different of style dating followed by Cosmas, who began the year according to the Julian calendar on 1 January and Christmas (Nativitate in Latin) on 25 December. For Maleczynski, Kazimierz Jasinski not consider this calendar difference who occurs only during the period 25–31 December.

Archaeologist Wojciech Szafranski reasumed the theory of Bielowski:
Judith of Bohemia died on 28 December 1085, and Boleslaw was born 2 days before, on 26 December.
According to Szafranski Cosmas used the term 8 Calends of January, with no specific date. However, in the Chronicle of Gallus should read that Judith died on Christmas Day, but on Sunday in the Octave of Christmas. Using such a broadened range of days, the investigator determined the birth of Boleslaw in the feast of Saint Stephen (26 December). For this reasons, the date of 1085 given by Bielowski is correct according to him. However, Jasinski pointed the weaknesses of the argument of Szafranski because Gallus has written about the Octave, but specifically about Christmas night, but the investigator didn't consider all other sources, as well as the achievements of research in genealogy.

Marian Plezia argued that Boleslaw was born on 2 September 1085 or 1086. According to Gallus, the day of King Stephen of Hungary was also celebrated on 2 September. Jasinski considered this theory unfounded. In Poland the feast of King Stephen of Hungary is pointed by the Kalendarz krakowski and the kalendarz Kodeksu Gertrudy on 20 August. Besides, if Boleslaw was born on 2 September, Gallus probably would be noted that this was the day after the celebration of Saint Giles (1 September), which was attributed to be the intercessor of his birth.

Kazimierz Jasinski placed the death of Judith in the night between 24–25 December 1086 and the birth of Boleslaw 4 months before, on 20 August. In this point he agrees with the findings of Balzer. He supported his views with additional arguments:
All sources are based in the missing Rocznika kapituly krakowskiej, and the next known text of this source refers to events in 1086.
Cosmas, writing his chronicle a few decades later, probably benefited from oral tradition and could make a mistake when he placed the year. His reports who placed the birth of Boleslaw 3 days before the death of his mother denoted a quite short time.

Today is widely recognized the view of both Jasinski and Balzer, that Boleslaw most likely was born in the day of King Stephen of Hungary, 20 August 1086.

According to Cosmas of Prague, Boleslaw was named after his uncle, Boleslaw 2 the Generous. Wladyslaw 1 Herman had no reason to named his first-born legitimate son after his brother, but probably in this way tried to placate the former allies of his predecessor.

Boleslaw's nickname Wrymouth (pl: Krzywousty) appeared in Polish and Latin sources of the 13th century: Genealogii plockiej (Criwousti) and the Roczniku swietokrzyskim mlodszym (Crzyvousti). Probably the origin of this nickname dates back on the 12th century and is relationed with some physical characteristics of the Polish ruler, who were noticed at the time of his reign. Probably he began to be named in this way after 1114, because Gallus Anonymus in his Chronicle never mentioned it. In the Kronice ksiazat polskich and Kronice polsko-slaskiej Boleslaw was qualified by the Latin adjective curvus, whose significance remains unclear. According to the 14th century Kroniki o Piotrze Wlostowicu the Prince was hunchbacked (Latin: gibbosus) or had a crooked mouth. The 15th century chronicler Jan Dlugosz wrote:

He had a mouth on one side slightly bent, and for this he was called Wrymouth; however, this is not marred his face, and even added to him some charm.

In 1974, in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral of Plock, where according to tradition Boleslaw was buried, an archaeological research project was conducted. A coffin was discovered containing the bones of 16 men and women. One of the skulls, of a man who died aged 50, had a deformed mandible. There is a hypothesis that these remains belonged to Boleslaw. Opponents of this theory suggest that the Prince was named in this way many years after his death, and his contemporary Gallus did not mention any physical defect in the hero of his Chronicles. The defenders of the hypothesis argue that the work of Gallus has the characteristics of a panegyric in honor of Boleslaw, because the chronicler did not mention his physical infirmities. It is also speculated that the bone damage occurred as a result of childbirth complications, which led to the death of his mother a few months later.

The nickname of Boleslaw was also explained in other ways. According to a legend, Boleslaw slammed his face against a wall after watching his father's subservience towards the Germans and Czechs. According to Jan Dlugosz, the Prince in his youth suffered from an ulcer, which caused the deformity of his face. According to older historiography, he received the nickname Wrymouth for his perjury.

Following Boleslaw’s birth the political climate in the country changed. The position of Boleslaw as an heir to the throne was threatened by the presence of Mieszko Boleslawowic, who was already 17 at the time and was furthermore, by agreement with Wladyslaw 1 Herman himself, the first in line to succeed. In all likelihood it was this situation that precipitated the young prince Mieszko’s demise in 1089. In that same year Wladyslaw 1 Herman’s first-born son Zbigniew was sent to a monastery in Quedlinburg, Saxony. This suggests that Wladyslaw 1 Herman intended to be rid of Zbigniew by making him a monk, and therefore depriving him of any chance of succession. This eliminated 2 pretenders to the Polish throne, secured young Boleslaw’s inheritance as well as diminished the growing opposition to Wladyslaw 1 Herman among the nobility. Shortly after his ascension, however, Wladyslaw 1 Herman was forced by the barons to give up the de facto reins of government to Count Palatine Sieciech. This turn of events was likely due to the fact that Herman owed the throne to the barons, the most powerful of whom was Sieciech.

Around this time Wladyslaw 1 Herman married again. The chosen bride was Judith-Maria, daughter of Emperor Henry 3 and widow of King Solomon of Hungary, who after her wedding took the name Sophia in order to distinguish herself from Wladyslaw 1 Herman's first wife. Through this marriage Boleslaw gained 3 or 4 half-sisters, and as a consequence he remained the only legitimate son and heir. It's believed that the new Duchess was actively aiding Sieciech in his schemes to take over the country and that she became his mistress.

In 1090 Polish forces under Sieciech's command, managed to gain control of Gdansk Pomerania, albeit for a short time. Major towns were garrisoned by Polish troops, and the rest were burned in order to thwart future resistance. Several months later, however, a rebellion of native elites led to the restoration of the region’s independence from Poland. The following year a punitive expedition was organized, in order to recover Gdansk Pomerania. The campaign was decided at the battle of the Wda River, where the Polish knights suffered a defeat despite the assistance of Bohemian troops.

Prince Boleslaw’s childhood happened at a time when a massive political migration out of Poland was taking place, due to Sieciech’s political repressions. Most of the elites who became political refugees found safe haven in Bohemia. Another consequence of Sieciech’s political persecution was the kidnapping of Zbigniew by Sieciech’s enemies and his return from abroad in 1093. Zbigniew took refuge in Silesia, a stronghold of negative sentiment for both Sieciech as well as his nominal patron Wladyslaw 1 Herman. In the absence of Sieciech and Boleslaw, who were captured by Hungarians and kept captive, Prince Wladyslaw 1 then undertook a penal expedition to Silesia, which was unsuccessful and subsequently obliged him to recognize Zbigniew as a legitimate heir. In 1093 Wladyslaw 1 signed an Act of Legitimization which granted Zbigniew the rights of descent from his line. Zbigniew was also granted the right to succeed to the throne. Following Sieciech and Boleslaw’s escape from Hungary, an expedition against Zbigniew was mounted by the Count Palatine. Its aim was to nullify the Act of Legitimization. The contestants met at the battle of Goplo in 1096, where Sieciech’s forces annihilated the supporters of Zbigniew. Zbigniew himself was taken prisoner, but regained his freedom a year later, in May 1097, due to the intervention of the bishops. At the same time his rights, guaranteed by the Act of Legitimization, were reinstated.

Simultaneously a great migration of Jews from Western Europe to Poland began circa 1096, around the time of the First Crusade. The tolerant rule of Wladyslaw 1 Herman attracted the Jews who were permitted to settle throughout the entire kingdom without restrictions. The Polish prince, took great care of the Hebrew Diaspora, as he understood its positive influence on the growth of the country’s economy. The new Jewish citizens soon gained trust of the gentiles during the rule of Boleslaw 3.

In view of his father’s disapproval, and after discovering the plans of Sieciech and Duchess Judith-Sophia to take over the country Zbigniew gained an ally in the young prince Boleslaw. Both brothers demanded that the reins of government should be handed over to them. It is difficult to believe, however, that Boleslaw was making independent decisions at this point as he was only 12 years of age. It is postulated that at this stage he was merely a pawn of the Baron’s power struggle. Wladyslaw 1 Herman, however, agreed to divide the realm between the brothers, each to be granted his own province while the Prince – Wladyslaw 1 himself – kept control of Mazovia and its capital at Plock. Wladyslaw also retained control of the most important cities i.e. Wroclaw, Kraków and Sandomierz. Zbigniew’s province encompassed Greater Poland including Gniezno, Kuyavia, Leczyca Land and Sieradz Land. Boleslaw’s territory included Lesser Poland, Silesia and Lubusz Land.

The division of the country and the allowance of Boleslaw and Zbigniew to co-rule greatly alarmed Sieciech, who then began preparing to dispose of the brothers altogether. Sieciech understood that the division of the country would undermine his position. He initiated a military settlement of the issue and he gained the Prince’s support for it. The position of Wladyslaw 1 is seen as ambiguous as he chose to support Sieciech’s cause instead of his sons'.

In response to Sieciech’s preparations Boleslaw and Zbigniew entered into an alliance. This took place at a popular assembly or Wiec organized in Wroclaw by a magnate named Skarbimir of the Awdaniec family. There it was decided to remove the current guardian of Boleslaw, a noble named Wojslaw who was a relative of Sieciech, and arrange for an expedition against the Palatine. Subsequently, in 1099, the armies of Count Palatine and Prince Herman encountered the forces of Zbigniew and Boleslaw near Zarnowiec by the river Pilica. There the forces of Boleslaw and Zbigniew defeated Sieciech's army, and Wladyslaw 1 Herman was obliged to permanently remove Sieciech from the position of Count Palatine. In the same year, at Christmas, Boles?aw concluded to short-lived peace with Bohemia. The agreement was concluded in Žatec. According to Cosmas, Boleslaw was appointed Miecznik (en: Sword-bearer) of his uncle Bretislaus 2, Duke of Bohemia. In addition, the young prince would be paid the amount of 100 pieces of fine silver and 10 talents of gold annually as a tribute to Bohemia (it was about the land of Silesia, for which he paid tribute to Wladyslaw 1).

The rebel forces were then further directed towards Sieciechów, where the Palatine took refuge. Unexpectedly, Prince Wladyslaw came to the aid of his besieged favorite with a small force. At this point, the Princes decided to depose their father. The opposition sent Zbigniew with an armed contingent to Masovia, where he was to take control of Plock, while Boleslaw was directed to the South. The intention was the encirclement of their father, Prince Wladyslaw 1. The Prince predicted this maneuver and sent his forces back to Masovia. In the environs of Plock the battle was finally joined and the forces of Wladyslaw 1 were defeated. The Prince was thereafter forced to exile Sieciech from the country. The Palatine left Poland around 1100-1101. He was known to sojourn in the German lands. However, he eventually returned to Poland but did not play any political role again. He may have been blinded.

Occupation:
Wladyslaw 1 Herman died on 4 June 1102. The country was divided into 2 provinces, each administered by one of the late prince’s sons. The extent of each province closely resembled the provinces that the princes were granted by their father 3 years earlier, the only difference being that Zbigniew also controlled Mazovia with its capital at Plock, effectively ruling the northern part of the kingdom, while his younger half-brother Boleslaw ruled its southern portion. In this way two virtually separate states were created. According to some historians, Zbigniew tried to play the role of princeps or overlord, because at that time Boleslaw was only 16 years old. Because he was still too inexperienced to independently direct his domains, the local nobility gathered around him took great influence in the political affairs, included his teacher, Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family.

They conducted separate policies internally as well as externally. They each sought alliances, and sometimes they were enemies of one another. Such was the case with Pomerania, towards which Boleslaw aimed his ambitions. Zbigniew, whose country bordered Pomerania, wished to maintain good relations with his northern neighbor. Boleslaw, eager to expand his dominion, organized several raids into Pomerania and Prussia. In Autumn of 1102 Boleslaw organized a war party into Pomerania during which his forces sacked Bialogard.

As reprisal the Pomeranians sent retaliatory war parties into Polish territory, but as Pomerania bordered Zbigniew’s territory these raids ravaged the lands of the prince who was not at fault. Therefore, in order to put pressure on Boleslaw, Zbigniew allied himself with Borivoj 2 of Bohemia, to whom he promised to pay tribute in return for his help. By aligning himself with Boleslaw’s southern neighbor Zbigniew wished to compel Boleslaw to cease his raids into Pomerania. Boleslaw, on the other hand, allied himself with Kievan Rus and Hungary. His marriage to Zbyslava, the daughter of Sviatopolk 2 Iziaslavich in 1103, was to seal the alliance between himself and the prince of Kiev. However, Boleslaw's first diplomatic move was to recognize Pope Paschal 2, which put him in strong opposition to the Holy Roman Empire. A later visit of papal legate Gwalo, Bishop of Beauvais brought the church matters into order, it also increased Boleslaw's influence.

Zbigniew declined to attend the marriage of Boleslaw and Zbyslava. He saw this union and the alliance with Kiev as a serious threat. Thanks to bribery, he therefore prevailed upon his ally, Borivoj 2 of Bohemia to invade Boleslaw’s province, ostensibly to claim the Polish crown. Boleslaw retaliated with expeditions into Moravia in 1104–1105, which brought the young prince not only loot, but also effectively disintegrated the alliance of Pomeranians and Zbigniew. During the return of the army, one part commanded by Zelislaw were defeated by the Bohemians. Boleslaw, who commanded the other part of the army, couldn't defeated them. Skarbimir, thanks to bribery, could stopped Borivoj 2. With a vast amount of money, the Bohemian ruler returned to his homeland and was concluded a short-lived peace with Bohemia. Then Borivoj 2 ended his alliance with Zbigniew. In order to paralyze the alliance of Pomerania and his older brother, Boleslaw carried out multiple attacks on northern land in 1103 (the battle of Kolobrzeg, where was defeated), and in 1104–1105, ended with success.

The intervention of Boleslaw in the dynastic dispute in Hungary led him in a difficul political situation. At first, he supported the pretender Álmos, and marched to Hungary to help him. However, during the siege of Abaújvár in 1104, Álmos changed his mind and made peace conversations with his brother and rival King Coloman, at that point Zbigniew's ally. Boleslaw then retired his troops from Hungary and in 1105 made a treaty with Coloman. It was decided then that Boleslaw didn't support Álmos against the alliance Coloman-Zbigniew. In addition, the Hungarian King broke his agreements with the Bohemian Kingdom. The dynastic dispute in Prague between Borivoj 2 and his cousin Svatopluk caused the intervention of Boleslaw and his ally King Coloman in support of Svatopluk, with the main objective to place him in the Bohemian throne. However, a new rebellion of Álmos forced Coloman and his army to return Hungary. Boleslaw also decided to retreat. Svatopluk tried to master the city alone, but suffered a complete defeat; his attempt to seize power in Bohemia was unsuccessful.

Also in 1105, Boleslaw entered into an agreement with his half-brother, in the same way like just a few years before entered with their stepmother Judith-Sophia (who in exchange of an abundant Oprawa wdowia (dower lands), secured her neutrality in Boleslaw's political contest with Zbigniew). The treaty, signed in Tyniec, was a compromise of both brothers in foreign policy; however, no agreement about Pomerania was settled there. One year later, the treaty ended when Zbigniew refused to help his half-brother in his fight against Pomerania. While hunting, Boleslaw was unexpectedly attacked by them. In the battle, the young prince almost lost his life. Bohemia, using the involvement of Boleslaw in the Pomeranian affairs as an excuse, attacked Silesia. The prince tried to re-established the alliance with his half-brother, without success. The effect of this refusal was the rapprochement to the Bohemian Kingdom in 1106. Boleslaw managed to bribe Borivoj 2 and have him join his side in the contest against Zbigniew and shortly after formally allied himself with Coloman of Hungary. With the help of his Kievan and Hungarian allies Boleslaw attacked Zbigniew’s territory, and began a civil war for the supreme power in Poland. The allied forces of Boleslaw easily took control of most important cities including Kalisz, Gniezno, Spycimierz and Leczyca, in effect taking half of Zbigniew’s lands. Through a mediation of Baldwin, Bishop of Kraków, a peace treaty was signed at Leczyca, in which Zbigniew officially recognized Boles?aw as the Supreme Prince of all Poland. However, he was allowed to retain Masovia as a fief.

In 1107 Boleslaw 3 along with his ally King Coloman of Hungary invaded Bohemia in order to aid Svatopluk in gaining the Czech throne. The intervention in the Czech succession was meant to secure Polish interests to the south. The expedition was a full success: on 14 May 1107 Svatopluk was made Duke of Bohemia in Prague.

Later that year Boleslaw undertook a punitive expedition against his brother Zbigniew. The reason for this was that Zbigniew had not followed his orders and had refused to burn down one of the fortresses of Kurów near Pulawy. Another reason was that Zbigniew had not performed his duties as a vassal by failing to provide military aid to Boleslaw for a campaign against the Pomeranians. In the winter of 1107–1108 with the help of Kievan and Hungarian allies, Boleslaw began a final campaign to rid himself of Zbigniew. His forces attacked Mazovia and quickly forced Zbigniew to surrender. Following this Zbigniew was banished from the country and with his followers, took refuge in Prague, where he found support in Svatopluk. From then Boleslaw was the sole lord of the Polish lands, though in fact his over-lordship began in 1107 when Zbigniew paid him homage as his feudal lord.

In 1108 the balance of power in Europe changed. Svatopluk decided to paid homage to Emperor Henry 5 and in exchange received from him the formal investiture of Bohemia. At the same time King Coloman of Hungary was under attack by the combined forces of the Holy Roman Empire and Bohemia. Svatopluk also directed an attack to Poland; in this expedition took part Zbigniew and his followers. Boleslaw avoided a direct confrontation because he was busy in his fight against Pomerania. Now, the Polish-Hungarian coalition decided to give help and shelter to Borivoj 2. Later that year, Boleslaw and Coloman made an new expedition against Bohemia. This expedition was prompted by the invasion of the German-Bohemian coalition to Hungary (siege to Pozsony Castle) and the fact that Svatopluk, who owed Boles?aw his throne, didn't honor his promise in which he returned Silesian cities seized from Poland (Racibórz, Kamieniec, Kozle among others) by his predecessors. Boleslaw then decided to restore Borivoj 2 in the Bohemian throne. This attempt was unsuccessful as a result of the attack of the Pomeranians. Boleslaw was forced to bring his army to the north, where could repelled the invasion. Thanks to this situation, Borivoj 2 failed to regain the throne.

In response to Boleslaw’s aggressive foreign policy, German king and Holy Roman Emperor Henry 5 undertook a punitive expedition against Poland in 1109 (the later called Polish-German War). In this fight, Henry 5 was assisted by Czech warriors provided by Svatopluk of Bohemia. The alleged reason for the war was the exile of Zbigniew and his restoration. Boleslaw received an ultimatum from the German King: he abandoned the expedition against him only if Zbigniew was restored with half of Poland as a rule, the formal recognition of the Holy Roman Empire as overlord and the payment of 300 pieces of fine silver as a regular tribute. Boleslaw rejected. During the negotiations between Germany and Poland, the Polish ruler was in the middle of a war against Pomerania. On the west side of the Oder river, Henry 5 hurriedly gathered knights for his expedition against Poland. Before the fight ended in Pomerania, the German troops have been able to approach Glogów.

The military operations mainly taken place in southwestern Poland, in Silesia, where Henry 5’s army laid siege to major strongholds of Glogów, Wroclaw and Bytom Odrzanski. At this time along with the defense of towns, Boleslaw was conducting a highly effective guerrilla war against the Holy Roman Emperor and his allies, and eventually he defeated the German Imperial forces at the legendary Battle of Hundsfeld on 24 August 1109, who received that name because the dogs devoured the many corpses left in the battlefield. In the end Henry 5 was forced to withdraw from Silesia and Poland altogether. The heroic defense of towns by villagers, where Polish children were used as human shields by the Germans, in large measure contributed to the German inability to succeed and gave the battle a national character.

In 1110 Boleslaw undertook an unsuccessful military expedition against Bohemia. His intention was to install yet another pretender on the Czech throne, Sobeslav 1, who sought refuge in Poland. During the campaign won a decisive victory against the Czechs at the Battle of Trutina on 8 October 1110; however, following this battle he ordered his forces to withdraw further attack against Bohemia. The reason for this is speculated to be the unpopularity of Sobeslav 1 among Czechs as well as Boleslaw’s unwillingness to further deteriorate his relations with the Holy Roman Empire. In 1111 a truce between Poland and the Holy Roman Empire was signed which stipulated that Sobeslav 1 would be able to return to Bohemia while Zbigniew would be able to return Poland. Boleslaw probably also agreed with the return of his half-brother as a result of pressure from the many supporters of the exiled prince in 1108, who according to the reports of Gallus Anonymus was surrounded to bad advisers (in this group unfavorable to Boleslaw was probably Martin 1, Archbishop of Gniezno). Once in Poland, Zbigniew could claim the sovereignty over his previous domains at the instigation of this group. The first step towards this was his presence in the Advent ceremonial (which was forbidden to him by Boleslaw after recognizing him as his overlord in Leczyca in 1107), which is reserved only for rulers. Zbigniew arrived surrounded by attendants, being carried before him a sword. This could be perceived by Boleslaw as an act of treason and caused a definitive breach in their relationship, under which Zbigniew was the vassal and Boleslaw the ruler. Probably these factors influenced Boles?aw's decision of a terrible punishment to Zbigniew: a year later, in 1112, he was blinded on Boleslaw’s orders.

The blinding of Zbigniew caused a strong negative reaction among Boles?aw's subjects. Unlike blinding in the east, blinding in medieval Poland was not accomplished by burning the eyes out with a red hot iron rod or knife, but a much more brutal technique was employed in which the condemned's eyes were pried out using special pliers. The convict was then made to open his eyes and if they did not do so, their eyelids were also removed.

Contemporary sources don't provide clear information if Boleslaw was indeed excluded from the community of the Church. Is generally believed that Archbishop Martin I of Gniezno (who was a strong supporter of Zbigniew) excommunicated Boleslaw for committing this crime against his half-brother. The excommunication exempted all Boleslaw's subjects from his oath to obedience. The prince was faced with a real possibility of uprising, of the sort that deposed Boles?aw the Bold. Seeing his precarious situation Boleslaw sought the customary penance that would reconcile the high priesthood. According to Gallus Anonymus, Boleslaw first fasted for forty days and made gifts to the poors:

...He slept in ashes and sackcloth, among the streams of tears and sobs, as he renounced communion and conversation with people.

It's possible that Boleslaw decided to celebrate a public penance as a result of the negative public response to the blinding of Zbigniew. His intention with this was to rebuild his weakened authority and gain the favor of Zbigniew's supporters. Punishment of blinding was used in medieval Europe to the rebellious nobles. This act of Boles?aw against his half-brother could be received by the Polish society as a breach of the principle of solidarity among the members of the ruling dynasty, accepting the foundation of public order.

According to Gallus, Boleslaw also sought and received forgiveness from his half-brother. In the next part of his penance, the prince made a pilgrimage to Hungary to the Abbeys of Saint Giles in Somogyvár and King Saint Stephen I in Székesfehérvár. The pilgrimage to the Abbey of Saint Giles also had a political goal; Boleslaw strengthened his ties of friendship and alliance with the Arpad dynasty. Following his return to Poland, Boleslaw even traveled to Gniezno to pay further penance at the tomb of Saint Adalbert of Prague, were poor people and clergy received numerous costly gifts from the prince. Only after this the excommunication was finally lifted. Following his repentance the Polish prince made a vague commitment to the Church.

About Zbigniew's death there are not preserved information. In the obituary of the Benedictine monastery in Lubi? dated 8 July 1113 was reported the death of a monk in Tyniec called brother Zbigniew. Historians believed that he could be Boleslaw's half-brother. The information marked that his burial place was in the Benedictine monastery of Tyniec.

The separation of Pomerania during the reign of Casimir 1 the Restorer contributed to the weakening of the Polish state, and subsequent rulers during the second half of the 11th century weren't able to unite all the lands that once belonged to Mieszko 1 and Boleslaw 1 the Brave. All attempts made to reconquer this area failed. Only after defeating Zbigniew and repelling the claims of Bohemia against Silesia during the Polis-German War of 1109, Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth was able to direct the expansion to the West, which he intended to return to Poland.

The issue of conquest of Pomerania had been a lifelong pursuit for Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth. His political goals were twofold;

First – to strengthen the Polish border on the Notec river line,

Second – to subjugate Pomerania with Polish political overlordship but without actually incorporating it into the country with the exception of Gdansk Pomerania and a southern belt north of river Notec which were to be absorbed by Poland.

By 1113 the northern border has been strengthened. The fortified border cities included: Santok, Wielen, Naklo, Czarnków, Ujscie and Wyszogród. Some sources report that the border began at the mouth of river Warta and Oder in the west, ran along the river Notec all the way to the Vistula river.

Before Boleslaw 3 began to expand in Gdansk Pomerania (Pomerelia), he normalized his political relations with Bohemia. This took place in 1114 at a great convention on the border of the Nysa Klodzka river. In addition to Boleslaw also assisted Bohemian princes of the Premyslid line: Vladislaus 1, Otto 2 the Black and Sobeslav 1. The pact was sealed by the marriage of Boleslaw (a widower since his wife Zbyslava's death) with Vladislaus 1 and Otto 2's sister-in-law, the German noblewoman Salomea of Berg.

After being normalized his relations with Bohemia, Boleslaw directed his efforts against Prussia, and in 1115 he made a victorious expedition, ravaging their tribal lands. As a result, the north-east border was at peace, which allowed to freely prepare the invasion to Gdansk Pomerania. The conquest of this part of the Pomeranian lands (made during 1115–19), crowned a long-time struggle of previous Polish rulers. The result was the complete incorporation of the territories on the Vistula River, including the castellany of Naklo, to Poland. Northern borders were established Polish Duchy probably on the line along the rivers Gwda and Uniesta (in later times currents of these rivers were the boundary between Pomerania and the Oder Slavic). It's also possible that the border ran along the Leba.

The local rulers of the conquered Gdansk and Slupsk were removed from power and replaced by Polish nobles. Boleslaw also introduced Polish clerical organization, which was made in order to protect his interests in that territory. However, these areas refused to follow the church organization. The incorporation to the Polish Church occurred only during 1125–1126 at the time of the visit of Papal Legate Gilles, Cardinal-Bishop of Tusculum.

During Boles?aw's Pomeranian campaign a formidable rebellion led by Count Palatine Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family began. The rebellion was quelled by the prince in 1117 and the mutinous nobleman were blinded as punishment. The conflict between Boleslaw and the Awdaniec family is difficult to explain due to the lack of sources. The cause was probably the growing influence of the family, the ambition and jealousy of Skarbimir against Boleslaw and his increased popularity. Another probable factor was the desire to put Wladyslaw 2, Boleslaw's first-born son, as the sole ruler after his death or also Boleslaw's fears to lose his position, as it was in the conflict with Sieciech. It was also suggested that Skarbimir entered in contacts with Pomeranians and Vladimir 2 Monomakh, Grand Prince of Kievan Rus'. Medieval historiography also associated the rebellion with the Law of Succession issued by Boleslaw. The problem with the principle of inheritance appeared between 1115 and 1116 (after the birth of his second son Leszek, first-born from his second marriage). According to one hypothesis Skarbimir objected the adoption of the statute who changed the traditional Polish succession customs. In the suppression of the rebellion played a major role Piotr Wlostowic of the Labedz family, who replaced Skarbimir as Count Palatine. Defeated, Skarbimir received a minor punishment from Boleslaw. The rebellion of Skarbimir also rested importance to the conquest of Gdansk Pomerania.

Probably in the rebellion of Skarbimir intervened the Rurikid ruler Vladimir 2 Monomakh and his sons. In 1118 Monomakh incorporated Volhynia to his domains and expelled his ruler, Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich, who sought refuge firstly in Hungary, then in Poland. In Yaroslav's place, Monomakh put his son Roman as a ruler of Volhynia, and after his early death in 1119, replaced him with another son, Andrew, who in 1120 invaded Polish territory with the support of the Kipchaks tribe. A year later, Boleslaw with the exiled Yaroslav (who was his brother-in-law), organized a retaliatory expedition to Czermno. After this, for several years Boleslaw intervened in the dynastic disputes of the House of Rurik.

During the 1120s the Kievan princes continue their expeditions against Poland. The neutrality of the neighboring Principality of Peremyshl was attributed to Count Palatine Piotr Wlostowic, who in 1122 captured Prince Volodar. A year later Boleslaw intervened again in Volhynia, where he wanted to restore Yaroslav. The expedition (aided by the Bohemian, Hungarian, Peremyshl and Terebovl forces) failed due to the death of Yaroslav and the stubborn resistance of the besieged Volodymyr-Volynskyi, aided by Skarbimir's supporters. This failed military expedition led to disturbances in the Polish-Hungarian-Halych alliance.

Occupation:
In 1121 (or 1119) Pomeranian Dukes Wartislaw 1 and Swietopelk 1 were defeated by Boleslaw's army at the battle of Niek?ad? near Gryfice. Polish troops ravaged Pomerania, destroyed native strongholds, and forced thousands of Pomeranians to resettle deep into Polish territory. Boleslaw's further expansion was directed to Szczecin (1121–1122). He knew that this city was well defended by both the natural barrier of the Oder river and his well-built fortifications, like Kolobrzeg. The only way to approach the walls was through the frozen waters of a nearby swamp. Taking advantage of this element of surprise, Boleslaw launched his assault from precisely that direction, and took control of the city. Much of the population was slaughtered and the survivors were forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler.

A further step is probably fought battles on the western side of the Oder River, where Boleslaw had addressed areas to the Lake Morzyce (now the German Müritz). These areas were outside the territorial scope of Pomeranians. In parallel with the expansion of the Polish ruler to the west continued the conquest of these lands by Lothair, Duke of Saxony (and future Holy Roman Emperor). According to contemporary sources, a Saxon army approaching from above the Elbe River in the direction of today's Rostock. They conquered the Warinis, Circipanes, Kessinians and part of the Tollensers tribes. The expansion led by the two rulers was probably the result of earlier unknown agreements. This was the first step for the later Christianization of Pomeranian lands.

In 1122 Boleslaw finally conquered Western Pomerania, who became a Polish fief. Duke Wartislaw 1 was forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler, paying an annual tribute of 500 marks of fine silver and the obligation to give military aid to Poland at Boleslaw’s request. In subsequent years the tribute was reduced to 300 marks. This success enabled Boleslaw to make further conquests. In 1123 his troops even reached to Rügen, but didn't mastered these areas.

According to modern historiography, Boleslaw began to pay tribute to Emperor Henry 5, at least from 1135. Is believed that the amount was 500 marks of fine silver annually. It's unknown why Boleslaw began to paid homage to Henry 5, as the sources do not mention any reference about the Polish ruler being tributary of the Holy Roman Empire in the period 1121–1135.

In order to make Polish and Pomeranian ties stronger, Boleslaw organized a mission to Christianize the newly acquired territory. The Polish monarch understood that the Christianization of the conquered territory would be an effective means of strengthening his authority there. At the same time he wished to subordinate Pomerania to the Gniezno Archbishopric. Unfortunately first attempts made by unknown missionaries did not make the desired progress. Another attempt, officially sponsored by Boleslaw and led by Bernard the Spaniard, who traveled to Wolin during 1122–1123, has ended in another failure. The next 2 missions were carried out in 1124–1125 and 1128 by Bishop Otto of Bamberg (called the Apostle of Pomerania). After appropriate consultation with Boleslaw, Bishop Otto set out on a first stage of Christianization of the region in 1124. In his mission Otto stayed firstly at Boleslaw's court, where he was provided with appropriate equipment, fire and several clergymen for his trip to Pomerania.

The Bishop was accompanied throughout his mission by the Pomeranian ruler Wartislaw 1, who greeted him on the border of his domains, in the environs of the city of Sanok. In Stargard the pagan prince promised Otto his assistance in the Pomeranian cities as well as help during the journey. He also assigned 500 armored knights to act as guards for the bishop’s protection, and obtain the baptism of the elders tribal leaders. Primary missionary activities were directed to Pyrzyce, then the towns of Kamien, Wolin, Szczecin and once again Wolin. In the first 2 towns the Christianization went without resistance. In Kamien the task was facilitated by the intercession of Wartislaw 1's own wife and dignitaries. At Szczecin and Wolin, which were important centers of Slavic paganism, opposition to conversion was particularly strong among the pagan priests and local population. The conversion was finally accepted only after Boleslaw lowered the annual tribute imposed on the Pomeranians. Four great pagan temples were torn down and churches were built in their places. Otto's mission of 1124 ended with the erection of bishoprics in Lubusz for Western Pomerania and in Kruszwica for Eastern Pomerania (Gdansk), which was subordinated to the Archbishopric of Gniezno.

In 1127 the first pagan rebellions began to take place. These were due to both the large tribute imposed by Poland as well as a plague that descended on Pomerania and which was blamed on Christianity. The rebellions were largely instigated by the old pagan priests, who had not come to terms with their new circumstances. Wartislaw 1 confronted these uprisings with some success, but was unable to prevent several insurgent raids into Polish territory. Because of this Boleslaw was preparing a massive punitive expedition that may have spoiled all the earlier accomplishments of missionary work by Bishop Otto. Thanks to Otto’s diplomacy direct confrontation was avoided and in 1128 he embarked on another mission to Pomerania. Wartislaw 1 greeted Otto at Demmin with some Polish knights. This time more stress was applied to the territories west of the Oder River, i.e. Usedom, Wolgast and Gützkow, which weren't under Polish suzerainty. The final stage of the mission returned to Szczecin, Wolin and Kamien. The Christianization of Pomerania is considered one of the greatest accomplishments of Boleslaw’s Pomeranian policy.

In 1129 Boleslaw concluded with Niels, King of Denmark an alliance directed against Wartislaw 1 and the attempts of Lothair 3, King of Germany to subordinate Western Pomerania. In retaliation for the sack of Plock by Wartislaw 1 in 1128, Polish-Danish troops taken the Western Pomeranian islands of Wolin and Usedom.

At end of the 1120s Boleslaw began to implement an ecclesiastical organization of Pomerania. Gdansk Pomerania was added to the Diocese of Wloclawek, known at the time as the Kujavian Diocese. A strip of borderland north of Notec was split between the Diocese of Gniezno and Diocese of Poznan. The bulk of Pomerania was however made an independent Pomeranian bishopric (whose first Bishop was one of the participants in the missionary expedition and former Polish royal chaplain, Adalbert), set up in the territory of the Duchy of Pomerania in 1140, and after Boles?aw had died in 1138 the duchy became independent from Poland.

During the 1130s a project was designed by Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, under which Pomerania would be divided between two dioceses subordinated to the Archbishopric of Magdeburg. At the same, he revivied the old claims about Magdeburg's ecclesiastical sovereignty over all Poland. A first Bull was prepared already in 1131, but never entered into force. Despite adversity, Norbert continued his actions to subdue the Polish Church during 1132–1133. For the Polish bishops, a call was made in the Curia.

The Polish bishops didn't appear before Pope Innocent 2, which resulted in the issuing of the Bull Sacrosancta Romana in 1133, which confirmed the sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church and the projected Pomeranian dioceses. The formal privilegium maius was the culmination of Norbert's efforts. Boleslaw, trying to save his past efforts in Pomeranian politics, opted for his submission at Merseburg in 1135.

To consolidate his power over Pomerania Boleslaw conducted in 1130 an expedition to the island of Rügen. For this purpose, he concluded an alliance with the Danish duke Magnus Nilsson (his son-in-law) who provided him with a fleet in exchange for support in his efforts to obtain the Swedish throne. The fleet of Magnus transported Polish troops to the shores of the island of Rügen. However, the intended battle on the island doesn't happen, because the Rani at the sight of the Polish-Danish combined forces recognize Boleslaw 's overlordship.

After the successful invasion to the Danish capital, Roskilde in 1134 Boleslaw formed an alliance with Wartislaw 1 of Pomerania against King Eric 2 of Denmark (an ally of Emperor Lothair 3). The role of the Polish prince was limited only to aid the House of Griffins, not due while the real interest in Danish affairs. The Danish, after repelling the first attack, in retaliation led an expedition who led to their expansion into the lands of Pomerania.

In 1125 Henry 5, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany, died. His successor, Lothair of Supplinburg, has been embroiled in disputes over his inheritance. For the Imperial crown, he became involved in the affairs of the Papacy. In 1130 there was a double election to the Apostolic See. Lothair supported Pope Innocent 2, hoping in this way to secure his own coronation. Contrary to was expected, Lothair's Imperial coronation didn't end his disputes against the contenders for the German throne.

In 1130 Boleslaw controlled the areas situated on the left bank of the Oder river on the island of Rügen. Germany also wanted to control these lands, but the internal political situation and the involvement in the civil war in Hungary, however, didn't allow an armed conflict. The Bull Sacrosancta Romana of 1133 give the Archbishopric of Magdeburg sovereign rights over the Pomeranian dioceses instituted by Boleslaw.

The death of King Stephen 2 of Hungary in 1131 led the country into civil war between two claimaints to the throne: Béla the Blind (son of Álmos, Duke of Croatia) and Boris (the alleged son of King Coloman). Boris sought the help of the Polish ruler, who hoped for a closer alliance with Hungary and cooperation with the Kievan Rus' princes (Boris was a son of a daughter of Vladimir 2 Monomakh). However, Boleslaw overestimated his strength against Béla, who counted with the support of almost all his country. The Polish army faced the combined forces of Hungary, Bohemia, Austria and Germany in the Battle of the Sajó river (22 July 1132), where the coalition had a complete victory over the Polish prince, who was forced to retreat.

The success in Hungary was used by the Bohemian ruler Sobeslav 1, an Imperial vassal, who during 1132–1134 repeatedly led invasions to Silesia. The issue over the property of Silesia was subjected to the decision of Lothair 3.

In February 1134 Sobeslav 1 of Bohemia and dignitaries of King Béla 2 of Hungary, together with Bishop Peter of Székesfehérvár went to Altenburg, where they presented their allegations against the Polish ruler. They asked the intervention of the Holy Roman Empire (preliminary requests occurred two years earlier). Lothair 3 accepted the request, acting as an arbitrator in the dynastic disputes in Central Europe.

At the same time Béla 2 and Prince Volodymyrko of Peremyshl undertook a military expedition against Poland. The combined forces occupied Lesser Poland, reaching to Wislica. Shortly after, Boleslaw received a summons to the Imperial court at Magdeburg on 26 June 1135. Playing for time, however, he only send deputies. The emperor sent another delegation and requested a personal appearance of the Polish ruler, setting a new date on 15 August 1135, this time in Merseburg. Boleslaw realized that without an agreement with Lothair 3 he couldn't maintain the control over the newly conquered lands on the west side of the Oder and the island of Rügen.

Even before the Congress of Merseburg was performed, Boleslaw persuaded one of ruling princes of Western Pomerania, Ratibor 1 to make an expedition against Denmark. It was a clear expression of ostentation to Emperor Lothair 3 because the King of Denmark was a German vassal. The fleet formed by 650 boats (with 44 knights and 2 horses) attacked the rich Norwegian port city of Kungahälla (now Kungälv in Sweden).

The Congress took place on 15 August 1135. During the ceremony, Emperor Lothair 3 recognized the rights of the Polish ruler over Pomerania. In retribution, Boleslaw agreed to paid homage for the Pomeranian lands and the Principality of Rügen, with the payment of 6.000 pieces of fine silver from these lands to the Holy Roman Empire; however he remained fully independent ruler of his main realm, Poland. With Boleslaw's death in 1138, Polish authority over Pomerania ended, triggering competition of the Holy Roman Empire and Denmark for the area. The conflict with Hungary also ended, with Boleslaw recognizing Béla 2's rule. The agreement was sealed with the betrothal of Boleslaw's daughter Judith with Béla 2's Géza (this marriage never took place). In case of the Bohemian-Polish dispute the Imperial mediation failed. Boleslaw argued he must be treated as a sovereign ruler, who wasn't the case of Sobeslav 1, an imperial vassal. Lothair 3, unable to come to an agreement with the Polish ruler, proposed to discuss the matter in subsequent negotiations.

The Congress ended with church ceremonies, during which Boleslaw carried the imperial sword. This was an honor granted only to sovereign rulers. An indirect goal of Polish diplomacy was the successful invalidation of the Papal Bull of 1133 and the recognition of metropolitan rights of the Archbishopric of Gniezno at the Synod in Pisa in 1135. On 7 July 1136 was issued the protectionist Bull Ex commisso nobis a Deo under which Pope Innocent 2 confirmed the unquestioned sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Gniezno over the Polish dioceses.

After entering in the imperial sphere of influence, Poland normalized his relations with Bohemia at the Congress of Klodzko on 30 May 1137 (the so-called Peace of Klodzko), but the details of this agreement are unknown. This treaty was confirmed in the town of Niemcza, where Wladyslaw, the eldest son of Boleslaw, stood as godfather in the baptism of Wenceslaus, Sobeslav 1's son.

In the last years of his life, Boleslaw's main concern was to arranged political marriages for his children in order to strengthening his relations with neighboring countries. In 1137 Boleslaw reinforced his relations with the Kievan Rus' with the marriage of his son Boleslaw with Princess Viacheslava, daughter of Vsevolod, Prince of Pskov. In the year of his death, by contrast, finally normalized his relations with Hungary through the marriage of his son Mieszko with Princess Elizabeth, daughter of King Béla 2.

Boleslaw 3 Wrymouth died on 28 October 1138, probably in the town of Sochaczew. There are no records about the circumstances of his death. 12th century sources didn't provide information about his place of burial. It was only in the 15th century, when Jan Dlugosz recorded that the Prince's tomb was in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral in Plock. However, he didn't showed from where took this information. Presumably the chronicler took this report from the lost Rocznik mazowiecki. Wawrzyniec Wszerecz, Canon of Plock during the 16th–17th century, wrote that Boleslaw was in a common coffin at the Cathedral, where the remains of his father Wladyslaw 1 Herman and several other Piast Masovian rulers were also placed.

Boleslav married Salome av Berg-Schelklingen about 1115. Salome (daughter of Henrik av Berg-Schelklingen and Adelheid av Mochental) was born about Oct 1101; died on 27 Jul 1144. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: 1103, Isle of Man, England; Konge Isle of Man & the Isles 1103-1153.

Notes:

Occupation:
Olaf 1 Bitling the Red was the last born child of Godred Crovan (Orry). To be the youngest is not necessarily to be a dwarf.

Óláfr Guðrøðarson (died 29 June 1153) was a twelfth-century King of the Isles. As a younger son of Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles, Óláfr witnessed a vicious power struggle between his elder brothers in the aftermath of their father's death.
At some point, the young Óláfr was entrusted to the care of Henry 1, King of England, and like the contemporaneous Scottish monarchs, Alexander 1 and David 1, Óláfr appears to have been a protégé of the English king.

As King of the Isles, Óláfr contracted marital alliances with neighbouring maritime rulers. Although he appears to have overseen successful military operations to reclaim the northern-most territories once controlled by his father, he may have witnessed the loss of authority in Galloway as well. Like his counterpart David 1, Óláfr was a reformer and moderniser of his realm. However, his four-decade reign ended in abrupt disaster when he was assassinated by 3 nephews in 1153. Following the ensuing power struggle, Óláfr's son Guðrøðr overcame the kin-slayers, and assumed the kingship of the Kingdom of the Isles.

The Isles—an archipelagic region roughly incorporating the Hebrides and Mann—was ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan for over 2 decades until his death in 1095, whereupon his eldest son Logmaðr assumed control. Warring soon broke out between factions supporting Logmaðr's younger brother Haraldr, which led to the intervention and encroachment of Irish power into the region. After a short period of Irish domination, the region lapsed into further conflict which was capitalised on by Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway, who led two military campaigns throughout the Isles and surrounding Irish Sea region at about the turn of the twelfth century. Magnús dominated these regions until his death in 1103, whereupon control of the Isles appears to have fragmented into chaos once again.

Rather than allow ambitious Irish powers fill the power vacuum, Henry 1 appears to have installed Óláfr on the throne at some point between 1112 and 1115, about the time that Domnall mac Taidc relocated from the Isles to Ireland. Óláfr is recorded to have spent his youth at Henry 1's court, and Óláfr's later religious foundations reveal that he was greatly influenced by his English upbringing. In the second quarter of the eleventh century, Óláfr founded the abbey of St Mary of Rushen, a reformed religious house on Mann. He further oversaw the formation of the Diocese of the Isles, the territorial extent of which appears to reveal the boundaries of his realm. Óláfr is recorded to have had at least two wives: Ingibjørg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney; and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. The unions seem to reveal that Óláfr shifted from an alliance with Orkney to that with Galloway. Not long after his marriage to Affraic, one of Óláfr's daughters married Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, an emerging power in the region.

Although Óláfr's reign is recorded to have been peaceful, there is reason to suspect that his own succession was uncertain.
In 1152, Guðrøðr travelled to Norway and rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway. At about this time, the Diocese of the Isles was incorporated within the recently elevated Archdiocese of Niðaróss. Whilst this strengthened Norwegian links with the Isles, it secured the ecclesiastical independence of Óláfr's domain, and safeguard his secular authority in the region. Nevertheless before Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, three sons of Haraldr confronted Óláfr, and demanded a share of the kingdom before slaying him. Although the three men appear to have taken significant steps to counter military intervention from Galloway, they were soon after crushed by Guðrøðr, who returned to the region enstrengthened by Norwegian military might. Óláfr's descendants went on to reign as kings of the Isles for over a century.

Óláfr was a member of the Crovan dynasty, and 1 of 3 sons of this family's eponymous ancestor, Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1095). The latter appears to have secured the kingship of the Isles in the late 1070s, and to have seized the kingship of Dublin in the early 1090s. Guðrøðr Crovan's downfall came in 1094 when he was forced from Ireland altogether by Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster (died 1119). There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr Crovan was driven from Mann as well, since he is recorded to have died on Islay the following year.

According to the thirteenth–fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr Crovan's eldest son, Logmaðr, succeeded to the kingship of the Isles. The chronicle further reveals that Logmaðr faced opposition from within his own family in the form of a rebellion by his brother, Haraldr. Logmaðr eventually overcame Haraldr, however, and is stated to have had him blinded and emasculated. Afterwards, Logmaðr appears to have faced further opposition in the form of a faction supporting his youngest brother, Óláfr. Apparently unable to overthrow Logmaðr on their own, the dissidents turned to Muirchertach, whose recent conquest of Dublin gave him control of that realm's dominating naval forces.

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's supporters petitioned Muirchertach to provide a regent from his own kin—the Uí Briain—to govern the Isles until Óláfr was old enough to assume control himself. Such a clause may well have been a condition of Muirchertach's involvement, rather than a request. Nevertheless, the chronicle indicates that Muirchertach installed his nephew, Domnall mac Taidc (died 1115), upon the throne. Although Domnall had previously opposed Muirchertach over the kingship of Munster, he was the son of Muirchertach's brother, and further possessed strong familial connections with the Isles through his maternal descent from Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1064/1065). Regardless, the death of Domnall's brother, Amlaíb, recorded by the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters in 1096, suggests that Domnall and the rest of the Meic Taidc faced significant opposition in the Isles, possibly in the form of Logmaðr's adherents. Domnall's reign appears to have been brief. The chronicle's account of warfare on the island in about 1097–1098 fails to mention him at all, a fact which seems to be evidence that he had lost control by then.

Probably late in 1097, Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) turned his attention towards the Isles, and sent a certain Ingimundr into the region to take control on his behalf. Unfortunately for Magnús, Ingimundr was soon after slain on Lewis and Harris by leading Islesmen. The following year Magnús took matters into his own hands, and led an invasion-fleet of his into the area. As the invaders successfully carved their way through the Isles towards Mann, Logmaðr was evidently overcome and captured. From Mann, the Norwegians campaigned against the English in Anglesey. Although Magnúss saga berfœtts, within the thirteenth century Heimskringla, places this particular episode in the context of Norwegian conquest, it is likely that Magnús had merely assumed the same protector role that Óláfr's father had once filled with Gruffudd ap Cynan, King of Gwynedd (died 1137). Magnús gained the submission of Galloway, and may have consolidated his campaign through a treaty with Edgar, King of Scotland (died 1107).

Magnús overwintered in the Isles, and left for Norway in the summer. He made his return to the region, nearly four years later, in 1102 or 1103. After reestablishing himself on Mann, Magnús entered into an marital alliance with Muirchertach formalised through the marriage between Magnús's young son, Sigurðr (died 1130), and Muirchertach's young daughter, Bjaðmunjo (fl. 1102/1103). The fact that Magnús intended to return to Norway reveals that Muirchertach benefited to most from the arrangement, although the alliance appears to have bound the kings against a common enemy in the region, Domnall Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain (died 1121). Unfortunately for Muirchertach, and his long-term ambitions in the Isles, Magnús was slain in Ulster in 1103, and Sigurðr immediately repudiated his bride and returned to Norway. Although Muirchertach was able to regain control of Dublin and still had held considerable influence in the Isles, Magnús' death left a vacuum which neither Muirchertach nor Domnall Mac Lochlainn could fill.

If the Chronicle of Mann is to be believed, at one point in his career Logmaðr repented the cruelty that he had inflicted upon Haraldr, and remorsefully resigned his kingdom before setting off to Jerusalem where he died. The particular terminology employed by the chronicle—that Logmaðr departed the kingdom - marked with the sign of the Lord's cross — suggests that he participated in a crusade. On the other hand, since the chronicle was compiled in the thirteenth century, during a period when the idea of a cross-bearing pilgrim was well established, it is possible that this depiction of L?gmaðr has been contaminated by anachronistic conceptions.

If Logmaðr was indeed a crusader, it is uncertain which particular crusade he undertook. One possibility is that he took part in the First Crusade, a movement that reached its climax with the successful siege and capture of Jerusalem in mid 1099. Logmaðr could have embarked upon this enterprise in about 1096, the year the pope's calls reached England. Alternately, in light of Logmaðr's capture by the Norwegians in 1098, it is conceivable that his release from custody was made conditional upon his exile and participation in the First Crusade. On the other hand, it is not impossible that Logmaðr originally undertook a pilgrimage before catching wind of the crusade en route.

Another possibility is that Logmaðr regained some form of control in the Isles following Magnús' death, and afterwards joined Sigurðr's expedition to Holy Land in the first decade of the twelfth century. The precise chronology of this enterprise is uncertain, although the Norwegian fleet certainly reached England before the end of the first decade of the twelfth century. It may have been at this point, whilst Sigurðr overwintered at the English royal court, that Logmaðr joined up with him. If Logmaðr and Sigurðr indeed rendezvoused in England, this may have been the time when Óláfr was entrusted to the safekeeping of the English king. Certainly, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr was brought up at the English court. The reason why he was entrusted into the care of the English may have been because Henry 1 was thought to have been the only monarch who could guarantee Óláfr's safety.

A probable tenth-century ancestor of Óláfr was the Uí Ímair dynast Óláfr kváran, King of Northumbria and Dublin (died 980/981), This man was likely the prototype of the mediaeval literary character variously known as Havelok the Dane. The earliest surviving source detailing Havelok is the twelfth-century Estoire des Engleis. The catalyst for Óláfr kváran's incorporation into twelfth-century English literature may have been Óláfr's stay at the court of Henry 1. Conceivably, writers may have sought out the patronage of the young Óláfr by borrowing tales of his famous like-named forebear.

According to the twelfth-century Historia regum, Alexander 1, King of Scotland (died 1124) struggled to maintain control of his kingdom. One region which may have caused the Scots some concern was the Isles. In 1111, Domnall mac Taidc seized the kingship of the region, possibly with the aid of Muirchertach's northern opponent, Domnall Mac Lochlainn. This encroachment of competing Irish factions into the Isles may well have been as unpalatable to the English and Scots as the power vacuum left in the wake of Magnús' demise. The chronicle accords Óláfr a reign spanning forty years. His accession to the kingship of the Isles, therefore, appears to date to about 1112, 1113, 1114, or 1115. As such, Óláfr's accession dates to about the time of Muirchertach's faltering authority in 1114. Domnall may have been driven out of the Isles by force, or he could have been drawn back to Ireland in an attempt to capitalise upon his uncle's failing health and fleeting authority.

Óláfr's return to the Isles from England appears to have been the work of Henry 1, who would have likely welcomed a steadfast dependent in control a region of strategic importance. Although the English and Scottish kings were certainly at odds over Cumbria at about this time, it is likely that they would have cooperated to combat the extension of Uí Briain and Meic Lochlainn influence in the Isles. In fact, the Scottish king's participation in the 1114 English expedition against Gruffudd—a man who seems to have been an associate of Muirchertach—may have been undertaken in this context. Furthermore, Muirchertach was closely associated with the Bellême-Montgomery family that had risen in a failed revolt against the English Crown in the first decade of the century. According to the twelfth-century Gesta regum Anglorum, the English imposed a trade embargo against Muirchertach at some point during the reign of Henry 1. Whilst it is possible that this action was a consequence of Muirchertach's familial relationship with his son-in-law Arnulf de Montgomery (died 1118-1122) — and Muirchertach's possible part in the Bellême-Montgomery insurrection—another possibility is that the sanctions concerned Muirchertach's ambitions in the Irish Sea region, especially since Óláfr had been entrusted into Henry 1's care. By establishing Óláfr in the Isles, Henry 1 may have sought to mitigate the extension of Irish influence in the Isles, and escalate the expansion of English authority into the Irish Sea region.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr married Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161). Although the union is not dated by contemporary sources, it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. Affraic is specifically identified as the mother of Guðrøðr by the chronicle. The fact that he is recorded to have travelled to Norway on a diplomatic mission in 1152 suggests that he was an adult by this date, and may indicate that Óláfr and Affraic's union commenced in the 1130s. Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he had married an illegitimate daughter of Henry 1 in about the 1120s, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of Fergus' offspring, including Affraic herself. In fact, the shared kinship between Guðrøðr and Henry 1's succeeding grandson, Henry 2, King of England (died 1189), is noted by the twelfth-century Chronica of Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186). The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English king, one of the most powerful rulers in western Europe. Fergus profited from the marriage pact as well, since it bound Galloway more tightly to the Isles, a neighbouring realm from which Galloway had been invaded during the time of Magnús' overlordship. The union also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and gave him a valuable ally then outwith the orbit of the Scottish king.

Óláfr's dealings with the abbey of St Mary of Furness—a religious house founded by the Lord of Lancaster, Stephen of Blois (died 1154) — could be evidence that Óláfr and Stephen enjoyed amiable relations in the first third of the twelfth century, and may indicate that Óláfr supported Stephen as King of England after 1135. At about this time, David 1 appears to have consolidated his overlordship of Argyll, a region located on the western periphery of the Scottish realm. By about 1140, not only had Óláfr and Fergus bound themselves together, but Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164) married one of Óláfr's illegitimate daughters. Although the name of this woman is not recorded by the Chronicle of Mann, she is identified as Ragnhildr by the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga. The marital binding of Óláfr with 2 of David 1's dependants — Fergus and Somairle — roughly coincided with the Scottish king's endeavour to establish control of Cumbria in the 1130s and 1140s. During this period, David's authority extended southwards along the Cumbrian coast through Copeland, Furness, into Stephen's former honour of Lancaster, thereby making him a principal power in the northern Irish Sea region. The martial alliances concerning Óláfr, therefore, may have formed part of a Scottish strategy to not only isolate him from an English alliance, but to project Scottish authority into the Irish Sea, and draw Óláfr into David 1's sphere of influence.

Besides his wife Affraic, the chronicle states that Óláfr had many concubines by whom he had several daughters and three sons: Ragnvaldr (fl. 1164), Logmaðr, and Haraldr. The B-text of the thirteenth-century Fagrskinna records that Óláfr married Ingibjørg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney (died c.1126). Whilst Ingibjørg is not referred to by the chronicle, she is certainly linked to Óláfr by Orkneyinga saga, although this source also incorrectly states — in a passage concerning Guðrøðr's son and successor, Ragnvaldr (died 1229) — that Ingibjørg was Guðrøðr's mother. As a consequence of this error, there is reason to suspect that the saga has conflated Guðrøðr's son with Somairle's like-named son, Ragnall (died 1191/1192–c.1210/1227). The saga's confused entry, therefore, may be evidence that Ingibjørg was the mother of Óláfr's daughter, Ragnhildr. The terminology employed by the sources documenting Affraic and Ingibjørg reveal that the latter's relationship with Óláfr came to be viewed differently in Orkney than the Isles. Although Orkneyinga saga acknowledges that the union between Ingibj?rg's own parents was not a canonical marriage either, the coupling formed the basis for her family's claim to the earldom. Whatever the case, Óláfr's union with Ingibjørg likely predates his marriage to Affraic. Accordingly, Óláfr appears to have turned from an alliance with Ingibjørg's brother and Norwegian dependant, Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney (died 1137), to establish an alliance with Fergus, who was then a rising power in the Irish Sea region. The end result of this shift may be alluded to by the chronicle which states that Óláfr held peaceful alliances with Irish and Scottish kings so that none - dared disturbed - the Kingdom of the Isles.

Whilst at the English royal court, Óláfr could well have met members of the Scottish monarchy. For example, Henry 1's wife was Matilda (died 1118), whose royal brothers, Alexander 1 and the future David 1, King of Scotland (died 1153), both resided in England before the onset of their reigns (the brothers respectively reigned in 1102–1124 and 1124–1153). Óláfr would have certainly been exposed to Henry 1's efforts to reform the English Church. Both Matilda and her husband were renowned patrons of religious orders, the Augustinians in particular. Although Óláfr's stay at Henry's court predated the arrival of the Savignac and Cisterian orders in England, Óláfr's experiences in England clearly influenced his decision to introduce reformed monastic orders into his own realm. In fact, the ecclesiastical actions of Óláfr's Scottish contemporaries—David I, and his predecessing Alexander 1 — were similarly influenced by their time spent in England. Óláfr's interest in religious reform is alluded to by the Chronicle of Mann, which declares:

He was devout and enthusiastic in matters of religion and was welcome both to God and men.

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Óláfr's kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles. Little is known of its early history, although its origins may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium. Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr Crovan's reign in the Isles. By the time of Óláfr's reign, the diocese appears to have encompassed the islands that had formerly been claimed by Magnús, and may well have included territory in western Galloway. In a letter that appears to date to about 1113, at about start of his reign, Óláfr presented an unnamed bishop for consecration to an Archbishop of York. Although the letter identifies the bishop with the initial - G - which potentially could represent Gerald (died 1108), whose tenure dates to 1100–1108, the fact that Óláfr's reign appears to have commenced several years later suggests that the initial is erroneous, and that the initial - T - was intended, perhaps in reference to either archbishop Thomas (died 1114), or the Thomas' successor, Thurstan (died 1140). No consecration is recorded in English sources, and Óláfr's candidate is not recorded in the chronicle.

In about 1134, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr founded the abbey of St Mary of Rushen on Mann by granting Ivo, Abbot of Furness land to establish the house. As a Savignac daughter house of the nearby abbey of St Mary of Furness—a religious house seated just across the Irish Sea in Lancashire — the abbey of Rushen was the first reformed house in the Isles, and its foundation partly evidences the importance of links between Mann and northern England. The abbey's foundation charter reveals that Óláfr granted the monks of Furness the right to elect the Bishop of the Isles, a provision that further emphasised Óláfr's royal prerogative. The charter implies that episcopal authority within his realm had fallen to outsiders, and expresses the king's desire that the Isles be administered by its own bishop. This could be evidence that the former diocesan bishop, Hamond, died several years previous, and that a period of vacancy ensued in which neighbouring bishops took up the slack. The reestablishment of the Diocese of Whithorn in 1128, may have been undertaken in this context, and may also signal the loss of western Galloway from the Kingdom of the Isles.

In a letter that probably dates not long after his foundation, Óláfr wrote to Thurstan, and confirmed the candidate elected by the monks of Furness. Hamond's successor appears to have been the shadowy Wimund, Bishop of the Isles (fl. c.1130–c.1150). According to the twelfth-century Historia rerum Anglicarum, Wimund began his ecclesiastical career at Furness before removing to Rushen. Although a twelfth-century chronicle of the ecclesiastical history of York states that Wimund professed obedience to Thomas, this archbishop's early tenure (1109–1114) suggests he has been confused with Thurstan. The fact that this source identifies Wimund's see as sancta ecclesia de Schith ("the holy Church of Skye") seems to be evidence that the diocesan seat had not yet been permanently centred on Mann, and that Wimund was seated at the site of the later mediaeval Snizort Cathedral. As a monk of Furness, Wimund may have originally relocated to Mann in the context of Óláfr's foundation of Rushen. He appears to have been the first Bishop of the Isles elected by the monks of Furness, and seems to have been consecrated by Thurstan. Wimund appears to have used his elevated position to violently seek the inheritance of an Earl of Moray in the late 1140s. Wimund's warring against the Scots eventually forced David 1 to cede him lands near Furness before his capture and mutilation in 1152. It is likely that Wimund's campaigning led to the abandonment of his diocesan see, and that his actions posed a serious threat to Óláfr's authority.

The fact that Wimund is not listed amongst other diocesan bishops by the Chronicle of Mann could be evidence that Óláfr eventually came to repudiate him. A letter from Óláfr to the chapter of York suggests that the king unsuccessfully attempted to have a replacement, a certain Nicholas (fl. 1147-1152), consecrated by Robert de Ghent, Dean of York (died c.1158). The fact that Óláfr interacted with the dean suggests that the correspondence dates between the 1147 deposition of William fitz Herbert, Archbishop of York (died 1154) and the 1152 consecration of Henry Murdac, Archbishop of York (died 1153). Óláfr's inability to have his man consecrated may have been due to the Wimund episode being unresolved at the time. According to Robert de Torigni's Chronica and the thirteenth-century Flores historiarum, Henry Murdac consecrated John (fl. 1152), a Benedictine monk from Normandy, as Bishop of the Isles in 1152. The fact that the Chronicle of Mann fails to record John's name amongst other diocesan bishops appears to indicate that he was an unacceptable candidate to Óláfr and the Islesmen, and that John never occupied his see.

By way of his ecclesiastical actions, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom, and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York. Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. In 1152, steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm. As a result of Óláfr's inability to have Nicholas formally consecrated, and his refusal to accept John as bishop, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin's ecclesiastical ascendancy. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of its own, Óláfr's diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's increasing authority. Moreover, in 1152, David 1 attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews.

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles. Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano (died 1159), a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy's authority into the northern European periphery. Eventually the newly created Norwegian province—the Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses within and outwith mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles, officially incorporated within the province in November 1154. Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin. The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power. In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles — its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway — appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.

In some respects, Óláfr's kingship may be comparable to that of David 1, who has come to regarded by modern historiography as a significant moderniser of the Scottish realm. have introduced modern forms of feudalism into his realm, and to have developed manorialism on Mann. He seems to have introduced the parochial system into the Isles; and like David 1, Óláfr transformed the church within his realm, creating a territorially defined diocese. His establishment of a more modern territorial kingship, which came to be associated with its demesne on Mann, may have led to the alienation of outlying areas. Although climatic conditions in the Isles improved in the eleventh century, and agricultural production appears to have increased as a result, there appears to have been a decrease in manufacturing by the twelfth century. Evidence of an eleventh-century mint on Mann exists prior to Guðrøðr Crovan's rule, but there is no evidence of one during Óláfr's reign, and no coins bearing the names of any of the members of his dynasty have been found.

The acclamation or election of a king was an important component of kingship in northern mediaeval Europe. There are several examples of the role played by chieftains in the kingship of the Isles during Óláfr's floruit. For instance, the leading men of the realm are recorded to have brokered the deal to have Muirchertach provide a regent until Óláfr was old enough to reign, whilst disaffected chieftains are reported to have brought about the dramatic end of Ingimundr's regency, and chieftains are said to have accompanied Óláfr from England to begin his reign. Even in the immediate aftermath of Óláfr's demise, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that the chieftains of the Isles (principes insularum) gathered together and unanimously elected Guðrøðr as king.

There is surviving evidence of only twenty royal charters dating from the reign of the Crovan dynasty. Of these, only one dates to the reign of Óláfr. Óláfr styled himself rex insularum, a Latin equivalent of a Gaelic title first accorded to his 10th century predecessor, Guðrøðr Haraldsson, King of the Isles (died 989). Surviving sources indicate that Óláfr was the first of several kings from his dynasty to claim to rule dei gratia (by the grace of God). The use of this formula was common amongst contemporary European monarchs but its use by the kings of the Isles, like the kings of Scotland, appears to have been adopted in imitation of the charters issued by the Angevin kings of England. Like the Scots, Óláfr and his successors appear to have adopted the formula to emphasise their sovereign right to kingship, to take their place amongst the leading monarchs of their time. Óláfr's use of the formula exemplifies the fact that — in comparison to his royal predecessors in the Isles — he was a new kind of ruler and the real founder of later Manx kingship. The fact that Óláfr was brought up at the English royal court could suggest that he, like David 1, was knighted by the English king. Certainly, several of Óláfr's thirteenth-century royal successors were knighted by their English counterpart.

Óláfr appears to have been an energetic king who consolidated his rule in the northern portion of the Isles by way of military force. There is reason to suspect that this region had fallen under Orcadian influence before being reclaimed by the Islesmen under Óláfr. According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth-century Sleat History, he was aided by Somairle in military operations (otherwise unrecorded in contemporary sources) against the ancient Danes north of Ardnamurchan. Together with its claim that Óláfr also campaigned on North Uist, this source may be evidence that the bitter struggle between Guðrøðr and Somairle (fought after Óláfr's demise) took place in the context of Somairle taking back territories that he had originally helped secure into Óláfr's kingdom. Somairle first emerges into the historical record in the 1130s supporting an unsuccessful rival branch of the Scottish royal family against David 1. By about the time of Somairle's marriage to Óláfr's daughter, David 1 seems to have successfully imposed his authority over Argyll. As a result of this apparent overlorship, Somairle may have been encouraged to redirect his energies from Scotland into the Isles.

There is reason to suspect that the Kingdom of the Isles lost control of territories in Galloway during Óláfr's floruit. Earlier in the mid eleventh century, the Rhinns of Galloway may have been ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan's predecessor, Echmarcach. By the last years of the century, the region was ruled by Mac Congail, King of the Rhinns (died 1094), who may have been a descendant of Guðrøðr Crovan's immediate predecessor, Fingal mac Gofraid. Whether Mac Congail ruled independently or subordinate to Guðrøðr Crovan is unknown. The installation of Gilla Aldan (died 1151-1154) as Bishop of Whithorn, in the third decade of the twelfth century, may mark the date when the Rhinns finally separated from the Kingdom of the Isles. Although support from the rulers of Galloway and Scotland may well have strengthened Óláfr's position in the Isles, and the chronicle portrays his reign as one of peacefulness, other sources vaguely recount the mainland depredations wrought by Wimund. The latter's warring against the Scots suggests that Óláfr may have struggled to maintain control of his far-flung kingdom.

It is uncertain how the Diocese of the Isles was organised during Óláfr's reign. There may well have been several regional centres where diocesan bishops, accompanied by retinues of clerics and warriors, would have visited each successive region, living off the rendered tithes. In time however, the ecclesiastical endowments on Mann, commenced by Óláfr and further developed by his successors, would have reduced the need for such peripatetic diocesan bishops. As the kings of the Isles became more identified with their seat on Mann, so too were the bishops of the Isles, which may have resulted in the alienation of outlying areas.

The now-ruinous ecclesiastical site of Cille Donnain, near Loch Kildonan on South Uist, could well have been a bishop's seat and twelfth-century power-centre in the Isles. Its precise place in the organisation of the Isles is uncertain. Certainly, L?gmaðr is associated with the Uists by a particular verse of poetry, attributed to the contemporary skald Gísl Illugason, preserved by the early thirteenth-century Morkinskinna. This contemporary composition could be evidence of a connection between him, or an associated bishop, with the Uist chain of islands. It is possible that, at a later date, the Cille Donnain site could have formed a residence for the peripatetic diocesan bishops of the Isles during their periodic visitations in the Uists.

The year 1153 was a watershed in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Not only did David 1 die late in May, but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway. According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men — that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them — a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar — a man named Ragnvaldr — approached Óláfr, raised his axe as if to salute the king, and decapitated him in a single stroke. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves. Whether the men attained any form of authority in the rest of the Isles is unknown. Once in control of Mann, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Guðrøðr, the kingdom's legitimate heir, by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather, Fergus. Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find. This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother.

Within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, enstrengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other two, and successfully secured the kingship for himself. Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit. Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, recorded in the twelfth-century Vita Ailredi, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death.

The fact that Óláfr sent Guðrøðr to Norway in 1152 could suggest there had been anxiety over the succession of the Kingdom of the Isles, and that Guðrøðr rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) in an effort secure assistance in safeguarding the kingship. The chronicle's account of Guðrøðr's return from Norway notes that he arrived with a fleet of five ships, which could indicate that overseas support was indeed obtained. The earlier episode of conflict between Óláfr's elder brothers, his own slaying at the hands of his nephews, and the later internecine struggles endured by his descendants, reveal that competition for the kingship of the Isles was incredibly competitive and exceptionally violent. The turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness,[280] and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David 1, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm 4, King of Scotland (died 1165). The dynastic challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.

Through Guðrøðr, Óláfr was the patrilineal-ancestor of later rulers of the Crovan dynasty, a kindred whose tenure of power in the Isles lasted until the second half of the thirteenth century. Through Ragnhildr, Óláfr was an important ancestor of the rulers of Clann Somairle, the descendants of Ragnhildr's husband Somairle. Whilst the union certainly testifies to Somairle's esteemed status, the key to his successful career may well have been the marriage itself. In fact, the chronicle and Orkneyinga saga reveal that the early rulers of Clann Somairle owed their claim to the kingship of the Isles by right of their genealogical link to Óláfr through Ragnhildr.

Although the burial place of Óláfr is unrecorded and unknown, by the second quarter of the thirteenth century St Mary of Rushen appears to have filled the role of royal mausoleum for the Crovan dynasty. Guðrøðr was himself buried on Iona, an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel. Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century. The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr. Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable.

Family/Spouse: Affraic av Galloway. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Judith married Vladislav (Wladyslaw) av Polen, "Vladislav 1" about 1083. Vladislav (son of Casimir Karol, "Casimir 1" and Maria Dobronega av Kiev) was born about 1044; died on 4 Jun 1102. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: Swiatoslaw. Swiatoslaw (son of David and Theodosia) was born about 1080; died about 1143. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Anna married Henry Capet, "Henry 1" on 29 Jan 1051. Henry was born about Apr 1008 in Champagne-Ardenne, Frankrike; died on 04 Aug 1060 in Frankrike. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Occupation: Abt 1125, Kiev, Ukraina; Storfyrste.

Notes:

Birth:
Han var eldste sønn av Vladimir Monomakh.

Mstislav married Kristina Ingesdatter av Sverige, "av Kiev" about 1095. Kristina (daughter of Inge Steinkjellson av Sverige, "Inge 1" and Ragnhild Torkilsdatter) died about 1122. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]